a parliament should do any thing to the prejudice of the English interest in Ireland; nor could the Irish ever complain of partiality, when they shall be freely and proportionably represented in all legislatures.

'The inconveniences of the Not-union, and absurdities, seem to be these, viz:

1. It is absurd, that Englishmen born, sent over into Ireland by the commissions of their own King, and there sacrificing their lives for the King's interest and succeeding in his service, should therefore be accounted aliens, foreigners, and also enemies, such as were the Irish before Henry the VIIth's time; whom if an Englishman had then killed, he had suffered nothing for it: for it is but indulgence and connivance, that now the same is not still in force. For such, formerly, was the condition of Irishmen ; and that of Englishmen is now the same, otherwise than as custom has relieved them.

• It is absurd, that the inhabitants of Ireland, naturally and necessarily bound to obey their sovereign, should not be permitted to know how, or what the same is: i. e. whether the parliament of England, or that of Ireland; and in what cases the one, and in what the other. Which uncertainty is, or may be, made, a pretence for any disobedience.

'It is absurd, that Englishmen in Ireland should either be aliens there, or else be bound to laws, in the making whereof they are not represented.

It is absurd, if the legislative power be in Ireland, that the final judgement of causes between man and man should be in England; viz. that writs of error should remove causes out of Ireland to the King's Bench in England: that the final determination of Admiralty-causes ecclesiastical should be, also, ended

in England: nor that men should know, whether the Chancery of England have jurisdiction in Ireland; and whether the decrees of Chancery in one Chancery can be executed in the other.

As for inconveniences, it is one, that we should do to trade between the two kingdoms, as the Spaniards in the West Indies do to all other nations; for which cause, all other nations have war with them there.

• And that a ship trading from Ireland into the islands of America should be forced to unlade the commodities shipped from Ireland in England, and afterwards bring them home; thereby necessitating the owners of such goods to run unnecessary hazard and expenses.

'It is inconvenient, that the same king's subjects should pay customs as aliens, passing from one part of the same, their own king's territories, to another. 'The chief objection against the remedy of these evils is;

"That his Majesty would by the Union lose much of his double customs, which being true, let us see what the same amounts unto; and if it be sufficient to hinder the remedy of these evils, and if it be irreparable by some other way.

• Anno 1664, which was the best year of trade that hath been these many years in Ireland, when neither plague nor wars impeached it, and when men were generally disposed to splendor and liberality, and when the act for hindering cattle coming out of Ireland into England was not yet made, nor that made for unlading in England ships bound from America into Ireland; I say in that year the customs upon exported and imported commodities, between

Ireland and England was but

but not one-sixth thereof, which since, how easily may it be added to the other charges upon England and Ireland, which are together perhaps 150,000%. per ann.?

2. If it be for the good of England to keep Ireland a distinct kingdom, why do not the predominant party in parliament (suppose the western members) make England beyond Trent another kingdom, under commerce, and take tolls and customs upon the borders? Or why was there ever union between England and Wales, the good effects and fruits whereof were never questioned? And why may not the entire kingdom of England be farther cantonised for the advantage of parties?

'As for the practice: the Peers of Ireland assembled in parliament may depute so many of their number, as make the one-sixth part of the Peers of England, to be called by writ into the Lords' House of England; and the Commons in Ireland, assembled in like manner, may depute the like proportion of other members to sit with the Commons of England, the King and that House admitting of them.

But if the parliament of England be already the legislative power of Ireland, why may they not call a competent number out of Ireland, as aforesaid, or in some other more convenient manner?

• All these shifts and expedients are necessary but for the first time, until the matter be agreed upon by both nations in some one parliament.

It is supposed, the wealth of Ireland is about the eighth or tenth part of that of England; and the King's revenue in both kingdoms seems about that proportion.

Verbum Sapienti (attached to it).

'CHAP. IX.

• Motives to the quiet bearing of extraordinary Taxes.

Having showed how great and glorious things may be done with no less difficulty, than what onefourth of the King's subjects do already endure; I offer these farther reasons to quiet men's minds, in case this utmost 250,000l. per mensem should be ever demanded upon this Holland war.

'1. That of all naval expense, not one-twentieth is for foreign commodities; nor need it be one-fortieth, if the people would do their part, and the governors direct them the nearest ways.

2. That stoppage of trade is considerable, but as one to eight; for we exchange not above five millions worth per ann. for our forty.

3. That the expense of the King, &c. being about 400,000l. per ann., is but one-hundredth part of the expense of the nation, who all have the pleasure and honour of it.

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4. That the money of the nation being but about five millions and a half, and the earning of the same twenty-five, it is not difficult for them to increase their money a million per ann. by an easy advance of their industry, applied to such manufactures as will fetch money from abroad.

5. The wealth of England lies in land and people, so as they may make five parts of six of the whole; but the wealth of Holland lies more in money, housing, shipping, and wares. Now supposing England three

times as rich as Holland in land and people (as it is) and Holland twice as rich as we in other particulars; (as it scarce is) we are still, upon the balance of the whole, nearly twice as rich as they of which I wish those, that understand Holland, would consider and calculate.

6. There are in England above four acres of arable, meadow, and pasture land, for every soul in it; and those so fertile, as that the labour of one man in tilling them is sufficient to get a bare livelihood for above ten so as it is for want of discipline, that any poverty appears in England, and that any are hanged or starved upon that account.

'CHAP. X.

• How to employ the People, and the End thereof. We said, that half the people by a very gentle labour might much enrich the kingdom, and advance it's honour, by setting apart largely for public uses: but the difficulty is, upon what shall they employ themselves?

To which I answer in general, upon producing food and necessaries for the whole people of the land by few hands: whether by labouring harder, or by introducing the compendium and facilitations of art, which is equivalent to what men vainly hoped from polygamy. Forasmuch as he, that can do the work of five men by one, effects the same as the begetting of four adult workmen. Nor is such advantage worth fewer years' purchase than that of lands, or what we esteem likest to perpetual. Now the making necessaries cheap, by the means aforesaid, and not by raising more of them than can be spent