this day which as we cannot but take as a singular honour and favour of God unto ourselves; so we may conceive good hope that the kingdoms of Christendom standing distributed and counterpoised as by this last union they now are, it will be a foundation of the universal peace of all Christian princes, and that now the strife that shall remain between them shall be but an emulation who shall govern best and most to the weal and good of his people.

Another great cause of our just rejoicing is the assured hope that we conceive, that whereas our kingdom of Ireland hath been so long time torn and afflicted with the miseries of wars, the making and prosecuting of which wars hath cost such an infinite deal of blood and treasure of our realm of England to be spilt and consumed thereupon; we shall be able through God's favour and assistance to put a speedy and an honourable end to those wars. And it is our princely design and full purpose and resolution not only to reduce that nation from their rebellion and revolt, but also to reclaim them from their barbarous manners to justice and the fear of God; and to populate, plant, and make civil all the provinces in that kingdom: which also being an action that not any of our noble progenitors kings of England hath ever had the happiness throughly to prosecute and accomplish, we take so much to heart, as we are persuaded it is one of the chief causes for the which God hath brought us to the imperial crown of these kingdoms.

Further, we cannot but take great comfort in the state and correspondence which we now stand in of peace and unity with all Christian princes, and otherwise of quietness and obedience of our own people at home: whereby we shall not need to espouse that our kingdom of England to any quarrel or war, but rather have occasion to preserve them in peace and tranquillity, and openness of trade with all foreign nations.

Lastly and principally, we cannot but take unspeakable comfort in the great and wonderful consent and unity, joy and alacrity, wherewith our loving subjects of our kingdom of England have received and acknowledged us their natural and lawful king and governor, according to our most clear and undoubted right, in so quiet and settled manner, as if we had been long ago declared and established successor, and had taken all men's oaths and homages, greater and more perfect unity and readiness

could not have been. For considering with ourselves that notwithstanding difference of religion, or any other faction, and notwithstanding our absence so far off, and notwithstanding the sparing and reserved communicating of one another's minds, yet all our loving subjects met in one thought and voice, without any the least disturbance or interruption, yea hesitation or doubtfulness, or any shew thereof; we cannot but acknowledge it is a great work of God, who hath an immediate and extraordinary direction in the disposing of kingdoms and flows of people's hearts.

Wherefore after our most humble and devout thanks to Almighty God, by whom kings reign, who hath established us king and governor of these kingdoms, we return our hearty and affectionate thanks unto the Lords spiritual and temporal, the knights and gentlemen, the cities and towns, and generally unto our Commons, and all estates and degrees of that our kingdom of England, for their so acceptable first-fruits of their obedience and loyalties offered and performed in our absence; much commending the great wisdom, courage, and watchfulness used by the Peers of that our kingdom (according to the nobility of their bloods and lineages, many of them mingled with the blood royal, and therefore in nature affectionate to their rightful king); and likewise of the counsellors of the late Queen, according to their gravity and oath, and the spirit of their good Mistress (now a glorious Saint in heaven), in carrying and ordering our affairs with that fidelity, moderation, and consent, which in them hath well appeared: and also the great readiness, concord, and cheerfulness in the principal knights and gentlemen of several countries, with the head officers of great cities, corporations, and towns and do take knowledge by name of the readiness and good zeal of that our chiefest and most famous city, the city of London, the chamber of that our kingdom: assuring them that we will be unto that city, by all means of confirming and increasing their happy and wealthy estate, not only a just and gracious sovereign lord and king, but a special and bountiful patron and benefactor.

And we on our part, as well in remuneration of all their loyal and loving affections as in discharge of our princely office, do promise and assure them that as all manner of estates have concurred and consented in their duty and zeal towards us, so it shall be

our continual care and resolution to preserve and maintain every several estate in a happy and flourishing condition, without confusion or over-growing of any one to the prejudice, discontentment, or discouragement of the rest and generally in all estates we hope God will strengthen and assist us not only to extirpate all gross and notorious abuses and corruptions, of simonies, briberies, extortions, exactions, oppressions, vexations, burdensome payments and overcharges, and the like; but further to extend our princely care to the supply of the very neglects and omissions of anything that may tend to the good of our people; so that every place and service that is fit for the honour or good of the commonwealth shall be filled, and no man's virtue left idle, unemployed, or unrewarded; and every good ordinance and constitution for the amendment of the estate and times be revived and put in execution.

In the mean time, minding by God's leave (all delay set apart) to comfort and secure our loving subjects in our kingdom of England by our personal presence there, we require all our loving subjects joyfully to expect the same: and yet so, as we signify our will and pleasure to be, that all such ceremonies and preparations as shall be made and used to do us honour, or to express gratulation, be rather comely and orderly than sumptuous and glorious; and for the expressing of magnificence, that it be rather employed and bestowed upon the funeral of the late Queen, to whose memory we are of opinion too much honour cannot be done or performed.

The chief inconvenience which actually resulted from the want of an acknowledged successor to the Crown was, that authority derived from the Queen dying with her, and James being 400 miles away, there must be an interval of at least a week during which none of the officers of State could be formally authorized to execute his functions. The only disorder, however, which arose from this cause, appears to have been confined within the walls of the council-chamber itself, and to have been kept so well within bounds that our only knowledge of it comes from the report of a French ambassador at the time, and a collector of gossip in the next generation. On the authority of the French ambassador, we are told that the right of the Council to act was formally disputed by the Earl of Northumberland, and that the Lord Keeper offered, on behalf of himself and such of the Councillors as were not members of the Upper House, to resign to the Lords

their seats at the head of the table. On the authority of Aubrey, we learn that "at a consultation at Whitehall, after Queen Elizabeth's death, how matters were to be ordered and what ought to be done, Sir Walter Ralegh declared his opinion that 'twas the wisest way for them to keep the government in their own hands, and set up a commonwealth, and not be subject to a needy and beggarly nation." The authority is not worth much in either case; but if anything of this kind really occurred-and it does not appear that any Englishman of the time had heard of it-Ralegh's proposal could only be meant and taken as a jest, and the Lord Keeper's offer was of course declined. The Council continued not only to act during the interregnum, but to act with vigour and the King made the interval as short as possible by immediately directing that all persons in office at the Queen's death should so continue till his further pleasure were known: a direction which appears to have included everybody concerned, except Bacon.

Bacon had for some years been employed and described as one of the Learned Counsel; but it was by the verbal order of the Queen : he had never been sworn in, and had no written warrant. Not being now mentioned by name in the King's letters, and not coming properly under the description of a person "in office at the Queen's death," he was in effect left out. The omission however was altogether accidental, and as soon as the King was informed of it was supplied at once. What, in the meantime, had become of his letter to the King, and whether either it or the personal influence of any of his correspondents had done him any good, we do not know. It appears, however, from the two private and familiar letters which come next, and though not dated must belong to the first week in April, that he was very well satisfied with the King's proceedings so

far.

The first is addressed to Toby Matthew, from whose own collection it comes; and who no doubt inserted the heading, and probably suppressed the names of the persons alluded to. For his object in making his collection was not to illustrate history or biography, but to exhibit specimens of epistolary composition; and he

1 Gardiner, i. 54. An English narrative, apparently official, represents the Lord Keeper as offering, on behalf of himself and the Councillors who were not peers, to take the lower place at the table, but says nothing of any dispute about their authority. "But as they began to sit in council in the Privy Chamber at White. hall, the Lord Keeper, Sir Thomas Egerton, and the rest of the Council that were no Barons, offered to sit at the lower end of the Council table, and not above any of the meanest nobility: but the noblemen, in respect of their former authority, called them to the higher end of the table, and wished them to keep their places." -Add. MSS. 1786, 5, b. The ambassador's story would easily grow out of this. 2 Aubrey, ii. p. 515. 3 Egerton Papers (Camd. Soc.), p. 268.

has evidently taken pains to remove names and dates, and such particulars as might serve to identify persons. In this case, however, there is little doubt that the persons alluded to are Foulis and Bruce, both of whom had certainly arrived in London before the 12th of April.1

SIR FRANCIS BACON SIGNIFYING TO A FRIEND AND SERVANT OF HIS THE WISE FROCEEDING OF KING JAMES AT HIS FIRST ENTRANCE TO THIS KINGDOM.2

Sir,

I was heartily glad to hear that you had passed so great a part of your journey in so good health. My aim was right in my address of letters to those persons in the court of Scotland who are likeliest to be used for the affairs of England; but the pace they held was too swift; for the men were come away before my letters could reach them. With the first I have renewed acquaintance, and it was like a bill of reviver by way of crosssuits; for he was as ready to have begun with me. The second did this day arrive; and took acquaintance of me instantly in the council-chamber, and was willing to entertain me with further demonstrations of confidence than I was willing at that time to admit. But I have had no serious speech with him; nor do I yet know whether any of the doubles of my letter have been delivered to the King. It may perhaps have proved your luck to be the first.

Things are here in good quiet. The King acts excellently well; for he puts in clauses of reservation to every proviso.3 He saith, he would be sorry to have just cause to remove any. He saith, he will displace none who hath served the Queen and state sincerely, etc. The truth is, here be two extremes. Some few would have no change, no not reformation. Some many would have much change, even with perturbation. God, I hope, will direct this wise king to hold a mean between reputation enough and no terrors. In my particular I have many comforts and assurances; but in mine own opinion the chief is, that the canvassing world is gone, and the deserving world is And withal I find myself as one awaked out of sleep;

come.

1 Chamberlain to Carleton, 12 April, 1603.

2 A collection of letters made by Sir Tobie Matthews, Kt., etc. (published, with a Dedicatory Letter by Dr. Donne, in 1660), p. 18.

3 So printed. Qu. promise?