between two cures; which kind of necessity I come now to speak of in the handling of pluralities. For pluralities, in case the number of able ministers were sufficient, and the value of the benefices were sufficient, then pluralities were in no sort tolerable. But we must take heed we desire not contraries; for to desire that every parish should be furnished with a sufficient preacher, and to desire that pluralities be forthwith taken away, is to desire things contrary, considering de facto there are not sufficient preachers for every parish; whereto add likewise, that there is not sufficient living and maintenance in many parishes to maintain a preacher, and it makes the impossibility yet much the greater. The remedies in rerum natura are but three; union, permutation, and supply; union of such benefices as have the living too small, and the parish not too great, and are adjacent; Permutation, to make benefices more compatible, though men be over-ruled to some loss in changing a better for a nearer; Supply, by stipendiary preachers to be rewarded with some liberal stipends, to supply as they may such places which are unfurnished of sufficient pastors as Queen Elizabeth, amongst other her christian3 acts, did erect certain of them in Lancashire; towards which pensions, I see no reason also1 but reading ministers, if they have rich benefices, should be charged. Touching the provision for sufficient maintenance in the Church. Touching Church-maintenance, it is well to be weighed what is jure divino, and what jure positivo. It is a constitution of the divine law, whereunto human laws cannot derogate, that those which feed the flock should live of the flock; that those that serve at the altar should live of the altar; that those which dispense spiritual things should reap temporal things. Of which it is also an appendix, that the proportion of this maintenance be not meagre or necessitous, but plentiful and liberal. So then, that all the places and offices of the Church have such a dotation that they may be maintained according to their several degrees, is a constitution permanent and perpetual. But for the particu 1 the, om. R. 2 The rest is supplied in MS. in A. 3 gracious: R. 6 at B. 9 the om. B, R. larity of the endowment, whether it shall consist of tithes or lands or pensions or mixt, it may2 make a question of convenience, but no question of precise necessity. Again, that the case of this Church de facto is such, that there is a want in the Church patrimony, is confessed. For the principal places, namely the Bishops' livings, are in some particulars not sufficient, and therefore enforced to be supplied by toleration of Commendams, things in themselves unfit, and ever held of no good report. But as for the benefices and pastors' places, it is too manifest that many of them are very weak and penurious. On the other side, that there was a time when the Church was rather burdened with superfluity than with lack, that is likewise apparent; but it is long since, so as the fault was in others, the want redoundeth to us. Again, that it were to be wished that impropriations were returned to the Church as the most proper and natural endowments thereof, is a thing likewise wherein men's judgments will not much vary. Also that it is an impossibility to proceed now either to their resumption or redemption, is as plain on the other side; for men are stated in them by the highest assurance of the kingdom, which is act of Parliament, and the value of them amounteth much above ten subsidies, and the restitution must of necessity pass their hands in whose hands they are in interest and possession.10 But of these things which are manifestly true, to infer and ground some conclusion. First, for12 mine own opinion and sense, I must confess (let me speak it with reverence) that all the parliaments since 27 and 31 of K. Henry VIII. which13 gave away impropriations from the Church, seem to me to stand in some11 sort obnoxious and obliged to God in conscience to do somewhat for the Church, and 15 to reduce the patrimony thereof to a competency. For since they have debarred Christ's wife of a great part of her dowry, it were reason they made her a competent jointure. Next, to say that impropriations should be only charged, that carrieth neither possibility nor reason; Not possibility, for the reasons 7 it is manifest that very many R. it is manifest that many: B. 8 endowments: R. 10 they now are in possession or interest: R. in whose hands there is interesi 9 Nevertheless: R. 11 conclusions: B, R. 14 a: R. 12 in: R. touched before; not reason, because if it be conceived that if any other person be charged it should be a re-charge or double charge, inasmuch as he payeth tithes already, that is a thing mistaken. For it must be remembered, that as the realm gave tithes to the Church, so the realm hath taken that away again from the Church and gave them unto the king, as they mought give their ninth sheaf or eighth sheaf; and therefore the first gift being evacuated it cannot go in defeasance or discharge of that perpetual bond, whereby men are bound to maintain God's ministers, as we see in example, that divers godly and well-disposed persons do put in ure, who are content to increase their preachers' livings; which, though in law it be but a benevolence, yet before God it is a conscience. Furder, that impropriations should not be somewhat more deeply charged than other revenues of like value, methinks cannot well be denied, both in regard of the ancient claim of the Church, and the intention of the first givers; and again because they have passed in valuation between man and man somewhat at the less rate, in regard of the said pretences or claim in conscience before God. But of this point, touching Church-maintenance, I do not think fit to enter into furder particularity or project, but reserve the same to a fitter time. Thus have I in all humbleness and sincerity of heart, to the best of mine understanding, given your Majesty tribute of my cares and cogitations in this holy business, so highly tending to God's glory, your Majesty's honour, and the peace and welfare of your states, insomuch as I am partly persuaded that the Papists themselves should not need so much the severity of penal laws if the sword of the spirit were better edged, by strengthening the authority and repressing the abuses in the Church. To conclude, therefore, renewing my most humble submission of all that I have said to your Majesty's high wisdom, and again most humbly craving pardon for any errors committed in this writing which the same weakness of judgment which suffered me to commit them would not suffer me to discover,10 I end with my 1 since again hath given tithes away from the Church unto the King, as they may give their 8th sheaf or ninth sheaf: R. tenth sheaf or ninth sheaf: B. wherewith: R. 8 partly, om. B, R. 3 and 80: R. therefore, om. R. 10 that suffered me to commit them would not suffer me to discover them: R. devout and fervent prayer to God, that as he hath made your Majesty the cornerstone in joining your two kingdoms, so you may be also as a corner-stone to unite and knit together these differences in the Church of God: To whose heavenly grace and never erring direction I commend your Majesty's sacred person and all your doings. 6. What the King thought of these suggestions we are not directly informed, but, judging from his subsequent proceedings, I gather that he generally approved, and was for his own part disposed to act in the spirit of them. He began by treating the questions at issue as matters deserving grave consideration; showed himself ready to allow any alterations which could be proved to be requisite and fit; and with that view invited the leaders of the party which desired alteration to appear and state their case for themselves. If he had stopped there, playing the part of listener only, and reserving the expression of his own opinion for after-consideration, I suppose he could not have done better. His error-a characteristic error, and springing out of what was best in him, considered as a man-was in allowing himself to be drawn personally into disputation. Even if the case of his opponents had been one which admitted of a refutation conclusive and unanswerable in itself, it would have been better not to urge it. The old proverb tells us to "let losers have their words," and upon the same principle the authority which can overrule in action should not be too solicitous to defeat in argument. But in this case there was no hope of convincing the opponents that they were wrong, and the attempt was sure to invite opposition and aggravate disappointment. And yet to let an answerable argument pass unanswered was a piece of forbearance to which the scholar-King was not equal; and in comparing the second day of the Hampton Court conference with the first, the consequences are traceable very distinctly. On the first day, when he was taking order with his councillors what changes should be made, and had only his own Bishops to dispute with, he seems to have gone altogether in the direction which Bacon advised, and to have been disposed to go a good way. Before he had got through the second, when he was engaged in argument with the dissentient doctors, he had committed himself to a position which Bacon would certainly not have approved. "This (said he, in answer to a question how far the Church had authority to prescribe ceremonies) is like Mr. John Black, a beardless boy, who told me, the last conference in Scotland, that he should hold conformity with his Majesty in matters of doctrine; but every man, for ceremonies, was to be left to his own liberty. But I will have none of that, I will have one doctrine, one discipline, one religion, in substance and ceremony. Never speak more on that point-how far you are bound to obey." Now Ceremonies, in themselves indifferent, were precisely what the dissentient party most strained at; and such declarations as this, though intended to procure quiet, did in fact warn them that they must either abandon what they took for points of conscience or seek for relief elsewhere, and thereby undid the tranquillizing effect of the concessions which the King was willing to make, and which were not inconsiderable. What they were it may be convenient to set down here. For they have a manifest and direct relation to the preceding paper, and this was the last occasion on which Bacon went out of his way to interpose in the quarrel; being ever after (in conformity with the profession with which he sets out) against all attempts to unsettle these questions, when they had once been by the legitimate authority "determined and ordered." The resolution to have a conference for the consideration and settlement of them was taken in the summer or early autumn of 1603, and was announced by proclamation on the 24th of October, on occasion of postponing the meeting (originally fixed for the 1st of November) till after Christmas. It took place on Saturday, the 14th of January, 1603-4. On the 18th, Dr. Montague, who had been present, wrote a short and apparently a very fair account of it in a letter to his mother.? "The King assembling only the Lords of his Council and the Bishops, myself had the favour to be present by the King his command. The company met, and himself sate in his chair. He made a very admirable speech, of an hour long at least, . . . "His M. propounded six points unto them. Three in the Common Prayer Book, two for the Bishops' jurisdiction, and one for the Kingdom of Ireland. "In the Prayer-book he named the General Absolution, the Confirmation of Children, and the Private Baptism by Women. These three were long disputed between the King and the Bishops. In the conclusion, the King was well satisfied in the two former, so that the manner might be changed, and some things cleared. For the Private Baptism, it held three hours at least; the King alone disputing with the Bishops, so wisely, wittily, and learnedly, with that pretty patience, as I think never man living heard the like. In the end he wan this of them, That it should only be administered by ministers, yet in private houses, if occasion required; and that whosoever else should baptize should be under punish ment. 1 Fuller. 2 Winw. Mem. ii. 13, |