cruising on the coast; but more than all the rest, the instruction, by the surest and safest of all modes, example, association, and every inducement of kindred interest and emulation, of those numerous, peaceable, and powerful tribes in the interior, which, while their docility and credulity make them easily the instruments, agents, and victims of the accursed trade, might as easily, for the same reasons, be instructed in the principles of the Gospel, and confirmed in the habits of civilized men.

Leaving these subjects at the threshold, we shall only add that the prospects of the Society on the African coast, are encouraging to a degree which ten years ago would hardly have been believed possible. Along the whole extent of their own territory in particular, the Slave-trade is nearly annihilated. The disposition of the natives, with whom they have cultivated an extensive intercourse, is precisely what was desired. The Liberian blacks are regarded with high respect, mingled with a cordial good will, and a determination to imitate their example as far as the opportunity shall be allowed. Children have been frequently sent in by the Chiefs, with an earnest request that they might be instructed; and we believe that the two important purchases recently completed, of which we have spoken, were obtained mainly on the strength of a promise by the colonists to take early measures of a similar character for the benefit of the grantors and their countrymen. There never has been, since the days of the Apostles a nobler or a wider field for the missionary of civilization aud Christianity. God grant there may be laborers enough for the harvest.

ART. X.

The Life of Gouverneur Morris, with Selections from his Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers; detailing Events in the American Revolution, the French Revolution, and in the Political History of the United States. By JARED SPARKS. 3 vols. 8vo. Boston. Gray & Bowen.

1832.

THE history of few nations is so full of instruction for succeeding generations as that of the United States. Short as

it is, many of the principal dangers, to which the nation and the government are exposed, have either been anticipated by the wise, and thus disarmed of their power, or have been experienced and passed through by the unchecked temerity of a youthful republic. The accumulation of precedents is not perhaps great; but the cases are already in a course of repetition; and it is thus demonstrated, that they are sufficiently numerous for the instruction and guidance of those who are desirous of improving, either by the suggestions of wisdom, or the lessons of experience. This assertion may sound paradoxical at first, but a slight examination of its grounds will show it not to be without foundation. In the first place, we date from no fabulous or doubtful antiquity; every thing of importance, whether in event or character, is known with all the certainty of which history admits. No foolish fiction can mystify our origin; no tradition can conceal the circumstances, under which we have sprung into existence, and grown to vigorous maturity. Descended too from nations which had formed for themselves established and civilized characters, no doubt is thrown over the source of our own peculiarities, the points which distinguish us from other people. Our antiquity is not so remote as to throw any of the obscurity of barbarism over the causes which have operated to form us such as we are; but the reciprocal influence under which character is modified by circumstances, and the course of events affected by character, may be clearly and curiously traced throughout the whole brief, but varied history of the different governments that are now united into one people. It is impossible but that instruction should be drawn from recorded truth, if we are disposed to search for it; and it is certain, that the history of our forefathers contains lessons as important as they are interesting to us and our children.

Another still greater source of the value of our history is, that, though so brief, it contains the record of many events that have exemplified the dangers to which the government is exposed. These dangers are, from the nature of our institutions, fewer than those to which others are exposed. More arbitrary governments, disposed to exercise control over their subjects in as great a variety of cases as possible, are perpetually encountering unforeseen difficulties. They assume authority in things not necessarily connected with

ment;

the good order of society, or with the stability of governand thus, instead of strengthening their position, they only render themselves unnecessarily vulnerable upon a thousand points. Interfering, as they do, with the mode in which a man shall occupy himself, the education he shall be permitted to receive, the views of religion he may be allowed to profess, the books he may read, and even the intelligence of passing events he may hear, the government is perpetually coming across his path. He cannot do any thing, scarcely think of any thing, with which the authority of government is not mingled; and mingled not in the way of protection and support, but in interruption to his plans, in thwarting his natural and reasonable wishes, in encumbering his movements, and burdening his labor. These manifold restraints upon men's course of action are held necessary to the support of good government and good order. It is considered highly improper, that any one should presume to have a religious faith differing from that of his sovereign; and a diversity of opinion upon political subjects is held to be subversive of all order. The dignity and splendor of the government must be upheld by taxation; and thus men are compelled to furnish the means of imposing and perpetuating the most obnoxious restraints upon their own. actions. It is not surprising that such opinions should be promulgated by the incumbents of the high places of worldly authority. There is something which seems so universally and deliciously intoxicating in the gilded cup of power, even when its contents are reduced to the smallest quantity, that it is natural that they, who have drunk of it deeply, should cling to it with insatiate appetite, with Argus watchfulness, and convulsive energy. It would not, however, have been anticipated, that they should find so many converts to their theory among those who were to be held in their iron grasp; that so many should be willing to contend for the privilege of being controlled in every movement and every thought. This is to be accounted for only from the prevailing ignorance of the proper end and object of government, and the engrossing attention required by more private and personal interests. It needs but a glance at the subject to perceive, that political government ought to secure to every individual as large a portion of his personal rights as is consistent with the common good; to protect the well-disposed against the

"

machinations of the bad; "to provide for the common defence and promote the general welfare." Legitimate government has nothing to do with the establishment of privileged orders and classes in the community; it never could have given to a few individuals, and their heirs and assigns, the inalienable right to control the general interests of society, whether this be done skilfully or unskilfully, with or without a due regard to justice and moral rectitude. Still less could it ever have given birth to those monstrous systems that have heretofore existed, and unhappily are still to be found, under which the governed appear to be treated like a conquered foe, subject to all the contumely and rapine which can be devised by an insulting and successful enemy. Where such a scheme as this is in practice; where force is the only or principal agent of authority, the dangers to which the government is exposed, are, of course, greatly multiplied. It may be a strong government, but can hardly be called a secure one. It is the interest of the majority to overthrow it, and sooner or later they will find it out; and in exact proportion to what has been considered the strength of the government, will be the fierceness of the conflict, and the terrors of succeeding vengeance. In this period of the world, especially, are those governments in danger, which, forgetful of their true purpose, seek to retain powers and privileges in the hands of the few at the expense of the many. It behoves every government, at the present day, when excitement on the subject of political rights is so universal, to be able to show that its institutions are not only compatible with the public good, but conducive to the general welfare. Things of a bad and dangerous tendency are now examined and questioned with more scrutiny than formerly; their history and reason demanded; and if they are not reformed by those who possess the power, they run the risk of being abolished by the undiscriminating fury of popular excitement. D

- we are cer

We cannot be too thankful in this country,tainly very far from feeling as grateful as we ought, that we are not exposed to such tremendous convulsions as are now agitating the finest countries of Europe on this subject. As we have never suffered the evils under which they have long groaned, we can hardly realize the blessings of our exemption. Our government was originally and professedly

VOL. XIII. N. S. VOL. VIII. NO. I.

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established for the true ends of all good government. It is a scheme skilfully framed, and it was deliberately adopted, and has thus far been maintained, by the will of the majority of the whole people. As we have no class possessed of peculiar privileges and none exempted from their share of the common burdens, as all men among us are really, as well as theoretically, equal in political and civil rights (so far as the condition of humanity will permit), it is impossible to array one class of society against another; there is a common interest which unites them all in the maintenance of such a system of government. The attempt has sometimes been made even here, to separate men into distinct classes, but it has always speedily failed; and it always must fail as long as it is so clearly for the interest of the majority to adhere to our established institutions. We are free therefore from the danger of political convulsion for the purpose of acquiring or securing rights for those who bear political burdens. We have them, and we have always enjoyed them, as completely and universally as they can be possessed. We are thus safe from a great majority of the dangers to which previous governments have been exposed. There is and there can be no discontent for want of political rights; and we have never heard a serious suggestion from any of those who are most inclined to complain, that any other system or scheme of government would be more desirable on the whole. The dangers to which we are exposed arise, not from the faults of our institutions, which are certainly adapted, as well as designed, to secure all common rights, and to promote the general welfare; but merely from the weakness of human nature, which is liable to become corrupted by the enjoyment of good, or negligent of blessings of which it has never been deprived. We have but to take care that our government is administered in the spirit in which it was planned. We wish for no reform, no change in its principles, but simply the strictest adherence to them.

We are singularly fortunate in the history of our government in this respect. Not only were its principles amply and ably discussed at the time of its adoption, but they have been practically developed under the general direction and administration of those who assisted in its formation. For thirty-six of the forty-four years since it was put in operation, it has been in the hands, either of those who made it,