number of the single benefices, will occasion patronage to be sought for to render the legal exceptions available, or to obtain pluralities under the prescribed terms and within the limited distances: prohibitory and penal enactments can only confine the exercise of patronage, and the effecting of exchanges, to the strict letter of the law, although its spirit and intention be largely contravened; for within those limits the consequences follow which leave so large a number of benefices without resident incumbents. By the operation of the exceptions and legal distances, benefices are now held at so great a distance from each other, that the incumbent is generally precluded from performing, in one of his parishes, any personal duties, and taking any personal charge of the manners, the improvement, the temporal and the eternal interests of the people, whose misfortune it is to be intrusted to a spiritual care and superintendence so unfavourably circumstanced.

"Two benefices are tenable with each other at any distance if one of them be under the annual value of 8. in the King's Books ;-if both be above that value, the Canon Law provides that they shall not be tenable at a greater distance than thirty miles from each other; which is now interpreted to extend to forty-five of the present measured miles, and this interpre tation rests upon decisions made in the courts of law.

"All difficulties are met, and many ensnaring dangers are encountered, to effect the numerous exchanges required from time to time to bring the tenure of benefices within the present permission of the law; and which, after all, leave the state and the people subject to the great deficiency that has been noticed in this address.

"May it not then be thought an object most worthy of your lordship's benevolent intention, to consider whether these difficulties and dangers might not be removed, and whether these exchanges which are now, and long have been, carried into effect, in too many instances, with injurious consequences to the church and to the country, might not, by an alteration of the law, be made highly beneficial to both; and at the same time productive to the individuals of much less anxiety in effecting them, and of much more satisfaction in performing the duties and enjoying the remunerations of their benefices."

"These advantages might possibly be attained, if those parts of the present

Acts, granting exceptions, authorising pluralities, and fixing legal distances, were repealed: and if the wisdom of Parliament should be able to devise and establish some new regulations, providing that, in all cases where an incumbent shall be permitted to hold more than one benefice, the preferments shall be contiguous; so that by residing upon one of the benefices, he might, at the same time, take a personal charge and superintendence of the other also.

"Thus those parishes that are without the absolute residence of an incumbent might be made to partake of the benefits of his personal care, his personal example, his personal hospitality, and his personal discharge of the various duties of his pastoral office; and a participation in these advantages might be gradually and ultimately extended to the 5,900 benefices now deprived of them."

"The union proposed is not a union of parishes, but of patronage, and that not necessarily a permanent one; but either permanent or temporary at the discretion of a disinterested and impartial board. In all cases the parishes retain the same effect upon the tenure, after union of possession, as when held at a distance. The exchange and union of patronage are intended not to increase but to remove the injurious. consequences of non-residence, by placing contiguous parishes instead of distant ones under the charge of the same incumbent, with the assistance, as before, of a curate to perform the duties of one church while the incumbent is employed in the other.. The advantage to be gained is the personal inspection of the incumbent in both parishes, and all the pastoral labours and beneficial influence of the incumbent and curate given to each parish, though the habitation of the incumbent be only in one of them; labours and influence which, cannot possibly be given to both when the two preferments are forty or fifty miles distant."

Reserving general principles, we are disposed to think that this plan, if carried into effect, might be an approximation towards superseding non-residence; but it is clogged with so many difficulties, that if the legislature could make up their minds to adopt such a measure, they would act most simply and desirably by. going one step farther, and abolishing pluralities altogether; not of course interfering with those at present existing, but by a prospective enactment, which could injure no person. We should however be glad, in default of more decisive mea

April 27.-How shall I describe the singular ceremony of the plantation of the cross? Such an élan of popular feeling as it excited is scarcely to be rendered by description. The procession moved from the hospital about eleven o'clock; and we first perceived it, as the foremost part came winding down the street to the esplanade. A body of cavalry preceded; followed by the Penitens blancs, in their white dresses and veils, with the usual masks, walking four abreast, two on each side of the road. Among this band were several vases adorned with flowers, and a temple, supported by statues representing angels, in the interior of which were gilded images of the Virgin and Child; the canopy was ornamented with white feathers. Next came the Penitens blues, distinguished by a blue ribbon round their necks; after them, the boys and men of the hospital, and the school of orphans. Then followed the body of the inhabitants, who formed the great mass of the procession, distributed according to their respective parishes. "The unmarried females preceded, amounting to an immense number; veiled, and attired completely in white, and each holding a small blue flag, on which the cross was worked in white satin. Among them were all the principal young ladies of the city, easily distinguishable by the elegance of their attire, from those belonging to inferior classes. They wore caps and veils of gauze, or lace; muslin dresses, beautifully trimmed, and white satin shoes. They sung psalms and hymns as they proceeded. When this part of the female procession reached the esplanade, they made a pause, and the different divisions sung in parts, those behind responding to those in the foreground. This scene was very interesting: and it was impossible to see so many elegant young ladies in this bridal attire, and to hear their harmonious voices chaunting sacred music, without the imagination being transported to the multitude having white robes and palms in their hands,' and to the harpers harping with their harps,' which the Apocalypse presents to the scriptural reader. I felt how strongly the Roman Catholic religion addresses itself to the senses; and how calculated it is to obtain and preserve power over the multitude, since even I, a Protestant, am not insensible of the seductive and touching influence of some of its ceremonies.

"Each parish was preceded by a band of music, making, by its martial melody, rather a singular contrast with the religious chaunt which so soon succeeded to it. "After this almost countless train of white females had slowly swept along, came a sable suite composed entirely of the married women, who were all in black, with the exception of a white veil. Madame de F. only, the lady of the first President, wore a black veil to distinguish her from the rest. Next followed two companies of men, who had already taken

"Then came the cross itself, the firstsight of which was accompanied by loud cheers from the assembled multitude, crying "Vive la Croir! hurra, hurra!" It was forty-five feet long; and the wooden figure of our Saviour was painted with the blood flowing from the wounds. It was to me an unpleasant spectacle, and F involuntarily closed my eyes. The artifi cers of the image it seems thought it really was alive; and in consequence, declared to the Abbé Guyon that they would not nail it to the cross; which office the missionary was obliged to execute himself. M. Guyon was in this part of the procession, marshalling the men, giving the word of command, now jumping on the cross, then on the frame work, in the prosecution of his arduous office, and reminded me of David dancing before the ark.

"The bishop and clergy followed the cross; after them, the authorities, and last of all a regiment of soldiers and band. I have omitted to mention that two thin lines of infantry extended throughout the whole length of the procession, to keep off the crowd.

"The procession took two hours in passing by the spot on which we were stationed; it consisted of fifteen thousand individuals: about sixty thousand were present, including the spectators assembled in different parts of the town to view it.

"To this immense multitude, M. Guyon addressed a few words of exhortation, first from the cross, and afterwards from stone pedestal, which, prior to the revolution, supported a statue. During this short harangue, which lasted only a few minutes, this extraordinary man addressed an appropriate word of exhortation to every class of people present. He spoke to the bishop and authorities, paying them the highest reverence; to the clergy, the officers, the soldiers, the nobility, the merchants, the trades-people, and artizans; the ladies, the females of the lower orders; the young, the old, the rich, the poor. Above all, he exhorted them to concord, oblivion of parties and past injuries, loyalty, religion, and universal charity.

"When the cross began to be raised, a general shout of acclamation burst from the assembled multitude. A young lady near me (who had escaped from the procession, alarmed by the vicinity of the horses) exclaimed, Que c'est edifiant cela.' I smiled internally, but reflected that it was well for her if she was edified."

the speech, and couched, like the speech itself, in that miserable strain of sentimentalism which in this country would be generally disgusting, and must be so to every man in France possessed of true taste and right feeling. "The king," says the peers' address, "would have been able to fulfil the dearest wish of his heart," (namely, in taking off a considerable portion of taxation, instead of asking and receiving a loan of five millions sterling,) "if the genius of evil which hovers over Spain had not interposed to retard this great benefit."

"Why," continues the address, "must the memorable example of the rapid unexpected return of our prosperity, after unheard-of misfortunes and losses, be

lost to Spain, when that return is evidently due to the triumph of legitimacy,

as well as to the intimate alliance of religion, order, and liberty? And by what fatality have the disinterested counsels of a monarch whose wisdom is respected, and whose good faith is honoured by Europe, been rejected by those who hold under the yoke a nation with which we have not only the relations of vicinage and reciprocal wants, but also the ties which arise from political interests, a common faith, and the kindred of the sovereigns? Sire, to preserve Spain from an imminent ruin, the consequences of which would be fatal to our own tranquillity, you have summoned to arms 100,000 Frenchmen: at their head marches a prince of your family-of that august family always prodigal of its blood when its glory and ours are at stake. Such an army is worthy of having for its chief a prince of tried valour: his virtues form the sure pledge which your majesty presents to the people whom you wish to deliver; to the people to whom is offered a salutary support to assist them in finally escaping from the anarchy which devours them, and in guaranteeing at the same time their own happiness and the repose of nations, under the protection of institutions freely emanating from legitimate authority."

In acknowledging the just and constitutional power of the king to make war or peace, both chambers seem to hold very lightly the privilege and duty of the national representatives to demand and receive such statements as to its expediency or necessity as may justify them in voting the supplies for conducting it. "It belonged to your majesty alone," continues the address," to deliberate on the great questions of war or peace. We receive with respect this communication, and repeat with you that we are French

men!" But though this sentimental effusion was sufficient, it seems, to cause it to be taken for granted that in declaring war against Spain the go vernment was perfectly right and reasonable, and that no inquiry whatever was necessary respecting the motives, the justice, or the probable results of such a measure, a more explicit answer was necessary to satisfy those ultra friends of despotism who complained that this just and necessary war had been too long delayed. To this accusation M. Villele, one of the most moderate of the French ministry, and whose sentiments have been stated to be uniformly against the commencement of hostilities, is reported to have replied, in the secret sitting of deputies, that ". every thing which could be done against the constitutional system had been done; that it was difficult to supply the extravagant demands of the chiefs of the army of the faith for men and money; but that assistance was given them, and insurrection was stirred up wherever it was possible." This speech, however, has been disavowed; and the editors of the journals which inserted it are to be prosecuted. It would, indeed, have been a most perfidious proceeding that the French government should have themselves planned or fomented those disturbances, on the existence of which they have for months been grounding the duty of hostile interference; and we shall be glad to see not only the speech which states it disclaimed, but the fact itself distinctly disavowed and disproved. No one, however, will be slow in admitting the possibility of such conduct, on the part of the present government of France, who is aware of the manner in which its solemn engagements respecting the slave trade have been fulfilled.

Against the more liberal party ministers defended themselves, by pleading that had they abstained from hostile measures towards Spain, it would have been under the certainty of seeing foreign armies again violate their own territory, in order, if not to force the co-operation of France in putting down the Spanish constitution, at least to effect that object themselves. Had those who now govern France, however, not been the willing agents in this work of iniquity and oppres sion, such a menace on the part of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, might have been treated with contempt.