thing of our mutual respect and confidence.

done so.

Nor have we

Sir, upon all the great points of this question, there is no difference of opinion whatever. All agree, that this war ought never to have been commenced. All agree, that it ought to be brought to a close, at the earliest practicable moment. No man present denies that it originated, primarily, in the annexation of Texas; and, secondarily, in the marching of the American army into the disputed territory beyond the Nueces. And no man present fails to deplore, and to condemn, both of these measures. Nor is there a Whig in this assembly, nor, in my opinion, a Whig throughout the Union, who does not deprecate, from the bottom of his heart, any prosecution of this war, for the purpose of aggression, invasion, or conquest.

This, this is the matter in which we take the deepest concern this day. Where, when, is this war to end, and what are to be its fruits? Unquestionably, we are not to forget that it takes two to make a bargain. Unquestionably, we are not to forget that Mexico must be willing to negotiate, before our own government can be held wholly responsible for the failure of a treaty of peace. I rejoice, for one, that the administration have shown what little readiness they have shown, for bringing the war to a conclusion. I have given them credit elsewhere, for their original overtures last autumn; and I shall not deny them whatever credit they deserve for their renewed overtures now. But, Mr. President, it is not every thing which takes the name or the form of an overture of peace, which is entitled to respect as such. If it proposes unjust and unreasonable terms; if it manifests an overbearing and oppressive spirit; if it presumes on the power of those who make it, or on the weakness of those to whom it is offered, to exact hard and heartless conditions; if, especially, it be of a character at once offensive and injurious to the rights of one of the nations concerned, and to the principles of a large majority of the other; — then it prostitutes the name of peace, and its authors are only entitled to the contempt which belongs to those who add hypocrisy to injustice.

When the President of the United States, on a sudden and serious emergency, demanded of Congress the means of meet

ing a war, into which he had already plunged the country, he pledged himself, in thrice repeated terms, to be ready at all times to settle the existing disputes between us and Mexico, whenever Mexico should be willing to make, or to receive propositions to that end. To that pledge he stands solemnly recorded in the sight of God and of men. Now, Sir, it was no part of our existing disputes, at that time, whether we should have possession of California, or of any other territory beyond the Rio Grande. And the President, in prosecuting plans of invasion and conquest, which look to the permanent acquisition of any such territories, will be as false to his own pledges, as he is to the honor and interests of his country.

I believe that I speak the sentiments of the whole people of Massachusetts I know I speak my own-in saying that we want no more territorial possessions, to become the nurseries of new slave States. It goes hard enough with us, that the men and money of the nation should be employed for the defence of such acquisitions, already made; but to originate new enterprises for extending the area of slavery by force of arms, is revolting to the moral sense of every American freeman.

Sir, I trust there is no man here, who is not ready to stand by the Constitution of the country. I trust there is no man here who is not willing to hold fast to the Union of the States, be its limits ultimately fixed a little on one side, or a little on the other side, of the line of his own choice. For myself, I will not contemplate the idea of the dissolution of the Union, in any conceivable event. There are no boundaries of sea or land, of rock or river, of desert or mountain, to which I will not try, at least, to carry out my love of country, whenever they shall really be the boundaries of my country. If the day of dissolution ever comes, it shall bring the evidence of its own irresistible necessity with it. I avert my eyes from all recognition of such a necessity in the distance. Nor am I ready for any political organizations or platforms, less broad and comprehensive than those which may include and uphold the whole Whig party of the United States. But all this is consistent, and shall, in my own case, practically consist, with a just sense of the evils of slavery; with an earnest opposition to every thing designed to

prolong or extend it; with a firm resistance to all its encroachments on Northern rights; and above all, with an uncompromising hostility to all measures for introducing new slave States and new slave territories into our Union.

To this, then, let us pledge our united and cordial efforts. Let us call on the Executive to conform strictly to his pledges as to the present war. Let us demand of him to desist from all schemes of aggression and conquest. Let us demand of him. not inconsiderately to reject the proffered mediation of Great Britain, and at any rate to confine all his military movements to the one great end of securing the restoration of peace. Let us, above all things, protest, in language not to be mistaken, against, all measures which shall add another inch of slave-holding territory to the Union. In the vote of the House of Representatives of the United States, on the 8th of August last, we have a sign of the times, and of the spirit of the times, full of encouragement. In that sign, let us go on and conquer.

Massachusetts Whigs cannot fail to conquer, Mr. President, with this and the other great issues to which I have alluded, in fit conjunction before them. With good candidates, and in a good cause, they have shown themselves to be all but invincible. Never had they better candidates, never a better cause, than now; and nothing is wanting to their entire and triumphant success, but those united, vigorous, determined efforts, which the spirit of this meeting assures me will be made.

THE WAR WITH MEXICO.

A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, IN COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE ON THE STATE OF THE UNION, JANUARY 8, 1847.

IF I could have selected my own time for addressing the committee, I would not have followed so closely in the wake of my honorable and excellent friend from Georgia, (Mr. Toombs,) who has just taken his seat. But, after watching and struggling for the floor for three or four days, I cannot forego the opportunity of saying what I have to say now, even to avoid the disadvantage of placing my remarks in immediate contrast with a speech, which has attracted so large a measure of attention and admiration.

I am not prepared to vote for the bill now under consideration. I certainly cannot vote for it in its present shape. I doubt whether I can be brought to vote for it in any shape, under the present circumstances of the country. But, before dealing with its particular provisions, or with the principles and policy which it involves, I desire to submit a few considerations of a more general and comprehensive character.

I am not one of those, Mr. Chairman - if, indeed, there be any such in this House who think it incumbent on them to vote against all supplies in a time of war, because they do not approve the manner in which the war was commenced, or the spirit in which it is conducted. Regarding war as an evil which no language can exaggerate; deprecating nothing more earnestly than a necessity of rendering myself in any degree responsible for its existence or continuance; desiring nothing so sincerely as an opportunity of contributing in any way to the peace

of my country and of the world; I yet acknowledge that there are many cases in which I should feel constrained to vote men and money for prosecuting hostilities, even though they had originated in measures which I utterly condemned. I may say, in a word, and without further specification, that I am ready to vote for the defence of my country, now and always; and, when a foreign army is on our borders, or a foreign squadron in our bays, I shall never be for stopping to inquire into the merits of the quarrel, or to ascertain who struck, or who provoked, the first blow, before doing whatever it may be in my power to do, to drive back the invaders, and to vindicate the inviolability of our soil. Nor do I forget that it may be sometimes necessary for our defence to carry the war into the enemy's country, and to cripple the resources, and crush the power, of those who may insist on disturbing our peace. When such a necessity exists, and is clearly manifested, I shall not shrink from meeting its responsibilities.

And here, Mr. Chairman, let me say to the honorable member from Ohio, (Mr. Giddings,) that I cannot acknowledge the entire applicability to the present issue, of those British precedents which he held up for our imitation a few days ago. I am not ready to admit that there is any very close analogy between the struggle of the American colonies in 1776, and that of the Mexicans now. Still less analogy is there between a vote of the British House of Commons, and a vote of the American House of Representativės. A refusal of supplies in the Parliament of Great Britain is, generally speaking, equivalent to a change of administration. No British Ministry can hold their places in defiance of such a vote. A successful opposition to supplies in time of war, is thus almost certain to result in bringing forthwith into power a Ministry opposed to its further prosecution; and the kingdom is not left to encounter the dangers which might result from a conflict, upon such a subject, between the executive and the legislative authorities. It is not so here. No vote of Congress can change our administration. If it could, the present administration would have expired on Saturday last, when a tax, which they had solemnly declared was essential to furnish them with the sinews of war, was so emphatically de