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“ Was the French Revolution," says that are under him to stand to its defence. Dr Milner, “ expected in those days ? In: If these should be either such fools, or one word, is it from the side of Popery, or rogues, or cowards, as to neglect their from the opposite quarter of Jacobinism, that duty, and counsel him to yield to the rethe Established Church is most in danger quisition, while he has the means to resist at the present day? If this question be it; he will not hesitate to send them about answered in the manner in which it must their business, and take some honest sound. be answered, then I apprehend the very hearted fellows in their places.” obligation of maintaining this Church to the utmost of the Sovereign's power re.

But Dr Milner goes on to shew, as quires a different line of conduct and po- he thinks, that the King's Coronation lītics from that which was pursued at his Oath need give very little trouble to Majesty's accession to the Crown.” anybody--for that a valid promissory

“ It is possible,” says Dr Phillpotts, oath may be evacuated by the abroga ct that this may be so; and we only ask tion of it by those who have proper that Dr Milner and others will allow his authority, for this purpose, over the Majesty to decide for himself, and accords parties, or over the subject matter of ing to his own conscience, what is the line the Oath. He is pleased to consider of conduct, which the obligation of his the Parliament, as having competent oath, being equally valid as at the first authority both over the Oath itself, does now require.But Dr Milner undertook, and his argument required him, to

and over the subject matter of it, the shew, when an oath, originally valid, bea Church of England, to enable it to comes invalid ;-and' he ends with admite abrogate the Oath. That such an auting of the oath in question, that it is as thority exists in Parliament, quoth he, valid as ever!”

in both those particulars, it would be

treason to deny. “ Then I am guilty But Dr Milner goes farther, and gives an illustration—" a fearful,

of this treason,” says Dr Phillpotts, though, I am very ready to admit,

for I scruple not to deny both." says Dr Phillpotts, a most apposite “By Parliament, I suppose, Dr Milner illustration."

means the King in Parliament ; for with.

out the King, the Parliament has no au“ Suppose you had thought proper to thority,-rather it has no existence what. exact an oath from your head steward, the

But taking it as the King in Parpurport of which was, that he would watch liament, I venture to affirm, that his Ma. over and preserve every part of your pro- jesty has no more right (his Majesty him. perty to the utmost of his power, and that

self has nobly proclaimed the same truth) some time afterwards, in your absence, a

to abrogate the obligation of the Oath he lawless mob, or a crew of pirates, had has taken, than the meanest of his subjects made a certain requisition of corn or cattle has to absolve himself from the Oath of at his hands, to be complied with, under Allegiance. the threat of burning down your house, 6. The reason, which Dr Milner gives and despoiling your whole property, would for his position, is the following:- The you holå him bound by the letter of his present Coronation Oath owes its authority, oath, in such new and unforeseen circum

and its very existence to Parliament." stances ? Would you not expect from his The same,' he adds, “must be said of the sense and integrity, that he should rather

Church itself, in whose favour this Oath attend to, and be guided by, the spirit of was devised ; '-A sneer too contemptible it ?

to merit refutation, or any further notice.” “ Most reasonable men,” says Dr Phill. potts, " would expect a person to be

We wish that we could follow our bound by the spirit of his oath, rather

author in his exposure of the weakthan by the letter, under all circum. ness of Mr Charles Butler's “ Letter stances. In the supposed case, the stew. on the Coronation ;" but our limitsard must certainly comply with the re already transgressed-forbid-and we quisition. But in the case which is must bring our article to a close with really in question, matters, happily, have weightier matter. not yet gone so far. True, there is

The meaning of the Coronation Oath lawless mob,' a' crew of pirates,' who tell

was brought into discussion in Burke's us very plainly what they wish, and hope

celebrated letter to Sir Hercules Lange But they have not yet got the

rishe in 1792. He entered into an means of doing it; and our steward has sense enough to see, and honesty enough argument to prove that there was noto feel, that he is bound by his oath, not thing in the Oath which forbade his only not to supply the pirates with ships, Majesty to assent to any bill conferand the mob with arms, but to take care to ring on the Roman Catholics of Ireland barricade our storehouse, and require all the particular indulgences they then

ever.

a

to do.

sought. He said rightly, that if such poisoned all the rest_has perverted what means can with any probability be was meant for a cup of blessing,- a wellshewn, from circumstances, to add spring of mutual love and lasting tranquil. strength to our mixed ecclesiastical lity, -into a source of bitterest and deadand secular constitution, rather than

liest hatred,-a stimulant to the most insato weaken it, surely they are means

tiable and turbulent ambition ; I mean the infinitely to be preferred to penalties, unrestricted grant of the elective franchise." incapacities, and proscriptions, conti- Attend to Burke's language in his nued from generation to generation. letter to Sir H. Langrishe. He sets In consenting to such a statute, the out with stating, that he knows not Crown, he thinks, would act agreeably with certainty what the Roman Cato the Oath. But, at the same time, tholics intended to ask, but that he his whole argument, to which we have “conjectures something is in agita. now only alluded, takes for granted tion towards admitting them, under that the King is bound to withhold certain qualifications, to have some his assent from bills which would share in the election of members of really endanger the safety of the Parliament;" and afterwards, he asks Church- and he says,

“why it is inconsistent with the Co“ There is no man on earth, I believe, ronation Oath of the King, to restore more willing than I am to lay it down as a to his Roman Catholic people, in such fundamental law of the Constitutior, that the manner and with such modificalion as Church of England should be united and the public wisdom shall think proper even identified with it : but allowing this, to add, some part in those franchises I cannot allow that all laws of regulation, which they formerly had held without made from time to time, in support of that any limitation at all?" And at the fundamental law, are, of course, equally conclusion of the whole, he says exfundamental and equally unchangeable : -none of this species of secondary and pressly," the object pursued by the subsidiary laws have been held fundamen

Roman Catholics, is, I understand, tal.”

and have all along reasoned as if it were It is apparent, therefore, that the so, in some degree, or measure, to be authority of Burke must be added to again admitted to the franchises of the those of all public men, whose senti- Constitution;" and this being so, with ments on the subject are on record, up

what fairness, asks Dr Phillpotts, can to the end of the last century; they it be pretended that the authority of all recognised the Coronation Oath as

Mr Burke, as given in this very argubinding the conscience of the Sove ment, is in favour of the unqualified reign in all the acts of the kingly of- concession of every franchise ! fice ; and, above all, in the most im

But Burke wrote another letter to portant of all his acts as Legislator. Dr Sir H. Langrishe on the same matterPhillpotts, who is at all times above in which he says, with reference to the dissembling, declares that Mr Burke former one, “ In the Catholic question did indeed argue the point in a man.

I only considered one point: was it, ner highly favourable to the views of at the time, and in the circumstances, the Roman Catholics ; but he also de,

a measure which tended to promote clares his belief--and gives his rea

the concord of the citizens? I have no sons for itthat were Burke alive difficulty in saying that it was; and now, he would, of necessity, be adverse as little in saying that the present conto their present claims. Burke argued cord of the citizens (he wrote before in favour of the concessions then the Rebellion, and before any indicasought; and this one expression, “then tion of increased expectations on the sought," is the answer to all, or al part of the Roman Catholics) was most all, the arguments founded on

worth buying, at a critical season, by Burke's authority on the question. All granting a few capucities, which prothat was then sought, and in one most bably no man now living is likely to be important particular, more than all, served or hurt by.Is that language has, long ago, been granted.

particularly acceptable to Mr O'Con“ The Irish Act, of 1793, gave to the

nell and Mr Shiel, and our friend the Roman Catholics all that Mr Burke lac Surgeon ? boured, by that letter, to obtain for them ;

Then attend to his Letter to Baron and it nuoreover threw into the chalice one Smith, in which he states, in more full fatal ingredient, which has corrupted and and express terms, the principle which VOL. XXIV.

D

guided and directed all his views. My sume to the prejudice of the establishwhole politics at present centre on one ed Church, &c.” On this valuable point ; and to this the merit or de- document Dr Phillpotts remarks: merit of every measure with me is “ It is valuable on many accounts, but referable, that is, what will most pro- most especially, as affording the plainest mote, or depress, the cause of Jacobin- evidence of what Mr Burke considered to ism ;” and again,

" I am the more be the necessary and indispensable duty of serious on the positive encouragement Parliament in every case, in which it is to be given to this religion, (the Ro- proposed to remove any of the existing seman Catholic,) because the serious and

curities of the Established Church. It is earnest belief and practice of its profes- Mr Burke was found among the advocates

an obvious consequence, that, whenever sors, form, as things stand, (January for any change of the law on this funda1795,) the most effectunl barrier, if not

mental point, he must be always under. the sole barrier, against Jacobinism." Burke has, indeed, often been laughed stronger bulwark for the Church by the

stood as meaning either to provide some at-yes, Edmund Burke laughed at- proposed change, or, at least, not to dimi. for 66 his insane horror of Jacobin

nish its existing security. Carrying this ism." But he, and such as he, stayed principle with us, and adding to it the the plague. Here Dr Phillpotts clen- evidence derived from other parts of his ches the matter with a nail driven in writings, we shall find it easy to shew that forcibly and at the right point, nor is

Mr Burke, like Mr Pitt, if he were now there å hand of Jacobin alive able to alive, would, of necessity, be adverse to wrench it out.

the present claims of the Roman Catho

lics." “Would that be his opinion now ? Could it be so ? Where is the spirit of Jacobinism

Farther, whatever his opinion might now most active ? Where are all its energies be of the fitness of Burke's concession, most strongly, most unceasingly exerted ?

it was professedly influenced by a view -Where, but in the Association, the of what were then the existing facts of Mock-Parliament at Dublin ?-_Whither the case, which facts have since been are now the wishes, the hopes, the san- changed in a degree scarcely to be guine and ardent longings, of every Jaco- estimated. « On a fair canvass,” says bin in the King's dominions directed, but he, “ of the several prevalent parliato the same stirring scene ? And would Mr

mentary interests in Ireland, I cannot, Burke have leagued himself with such a

out of the three hundred members, of band ? Would he have become, in his old

whom the Irish parliament is compoage, the champion of Jacobinism,' the zealot of that unholy cause, abhorrence of sed, discover that above three, or-at which mastered every other passion and

the utmost four, Catholics, would be feeling of his heart,—could suspend the returned to the House of Commons.' anguish of his almost frenzied grief, How stands the case now—and what could make him for a while forget the be would Burke have thought now? reavement of the one sole object of his earthly hopes,—and rouse him to exertion

" Is this the case now? Is it not, on even from the listlessness of despondency?

the contrary, found, by experience, that The supposition is absurd.”

neither the influence of property, nor here

ditary attachment to ancient and honour. In the posthumous works of Burke

able names, nor the ties of gratitude, nor a Political Test,” drawn up motive, can avail against the mandates of

the hope of future favour, nor any earthly with much deliberation, and intended spiritual authority? Is it not certain that to have been proposed to Parliament

a very large portion, and only uncertain in 1790, which shews his intense an- how large, of the representation of Ireland, xiety for the preservation of the Pro- is in the hands of the Priests ? Mr O'Contestant religion, and for the protection nell has scrupled not to say, that the whole, of the Established Church. We can. or almost the whole, will soon be in the not now quote it, but it contains this same hands; and, in proof of his own reclause,-" That I never will employliance on the accuracy of this assertion, he

has scrupled not to proclaim his readiness any power or influence which I may

to offer himself as candidate to represent a clerive from any power or influence, &c. to come, to be elected into any has not (as I am informed) a single acre of

county (the county of Cavan) in which he çorporation, or into. Parliument, give ground, on the mere strength of his merit any vote in the election of

any
member

as an agitator. or members of Parliament, &c. or with “ This is the answer to every argument uny hope thut they may promote the drawn from the authority of Mr Burke, re

we find 56

specting the concession of seats in parlia sidered that the measure would tend ment to the Roman Catholics of Ireland. to attach its objects to government. His general principles are opposed to it; Without proper regulations, he was and the exception, which he admitted in their favour, was founded on a state of excite their ambition, and encourage

well aware that it would tend only to things, which not only is gone by, but has

hopes of farther advantages. If given been succeeded by one utterly and essentially at variance with it.”

to them to be enjoyed as a right, and

not to be forfeited, otherwise than by At a subsequent period, he said, such misconduct as the law of the " if amongst our Clergy, (the Roman land would punish, it would have Catholic,) one seditious sermon can be amounted to nothing less than an Estashewn to have been preached, we will blishment. readily admit there is good reason for

“ Yet such was the measure, which, in continuing the present laws in all their

the session of 1825, was actually received force!!”

with favour in the English House of Com« Could the man who wrote this sen- mons; the bill conferring it had an ascertence,-and that man, Mr Burke, had tained passage through that House, and he lived to witness the smallest part of that the Roman Catholics of Ireland were system of deliberate outrage and intimida- brought to regard it, not as a boon for tion, which has been adopted by the whole which it became them to be grateful, but mass of Roman Catholics in Ireland, and, as a mere act of scanty justice which the above all, by their Hierarchy and their Legislature besought them to take in good Priesthood,-:could he, I ask, be the advo. part. They had, it is true, shown, from cate and patron of such a cause ? Could the first, no disposition to be satisfied with he give the sanction of his honoured name any pecuniary provisions of a less inde. to the demands of those, who avowedly and pendent nature. Dr Doyle had plainly exultingly proclaim their deadliest hate, told the Committees, that he and his brétheir most active unmitigable hostility, to thren would -rather receive nothing from the Church of Ireland, the Protestant Epis- the State, and that certainly, if they recopal Church there established by law ?” ceived at all, it should be on such terms So much for the opinions of Edmund only as should give them a vested life

interest in the grant.

The obsequious Burke. Now, let us attend to those of House of Commons framed their measure William Pitt. Dr Phillpotts has been accordingly; and Mr O'Connell, when remarked by the enemy for his publica- proached by his less judicious associates tion of Mr Pitt's Letter. He has been for having acceded to an expedient which thanked for it by Mr Butler, by the bore the name, if not the semblance, of a Irish orators, by the Edinburgh Review, security to this Protestant « Establishand by that high-minded gentleman, ment, justified himself by characterizing plain-spoken politician, consistent po

very truly the prospect of carrying this litical economist, and stanch Tory, Mr

measure as the likelihood of establishing, Huskisson. The letter consists of two

like the Scotch, an Established Church. i» parts. First, an able, brief, and compre- Mr Pitt had, it is plain from his hensive statement of all the reasons language, a very different plan in view which are adduced for granting the-such a plan, most probably, says claims of the Roman Catholics." And our author, as is pursued towards the I know not,” says Dr Phillpotts," that Presbyterian Ministers in Ireland any considerable arguments in favour a regium donum which might be withof that measure are there omitted, ex- drawn at any time, but would cer. cept those which both the king and the tainly never be withdrawn so long as minister would have equally disdained, its objects proved themselves worthy the arguments addressed to the fears of of the bounty of the State. Thirdly, Englishmen." Secondly, of a clearer Mr Pitt thought it indispensably necesand fuller statement of the conditions sary to any tolerable plan for remowhich he proposed to annex to the ving the political disabilities of the concession than has before been given Roman Catholics, that the Popish to the public. These conditions are, clergy should be subjected to superinfirst, a continuance of the oaths ale tendence and control the plan which ready required to be taken by Roman of all would have been the most diffiCatholics in Ireland. Secondly, a pro- cult to effect, though, on every acvision for the Roman Catholie Clergy, count, the most important. With such with a view of gradually attaching views, would he, to use the strong them to the government.

Under language of Dr Phillpotts --but not proper regulations,he wisely con- a whit too strong," have been either a dupe or an accomplice in the con- himself responsible, in his own individual temptible fraud practised successfully fame, for the results of the policy which on the House of Commons, by the has been pursued. It was only when we bill of 1825 ?" We conclude our re

were given over to divided councils and view of this most admirable påm- the wretched system was adopted, of com

conflicting principles,—worst of all, when phlet, with a most admirable quota- promising all difference of opinions, by tion.

acting upon none, -of banishing even the “ Whether the practical difficulties at.

name of Ireland from the deliberations of tending the settlement of such a point

our rulers,ếof putting off to a convewould have been found too great even for nient season' the most perilous and urMr Pitt to overcome, is a question into gent concerns of that distracted country, which it is not necessary now to enter.

* stultâ dissimulatione, remedia potiùs That these difficulties, great in themselves, malorum, quàm mala, differentes,'

it was have, since his time, become incalculably only then, that we reached the full matugreater, is unhappily too manifest; nor rity of our present evils,--evils so great, does there appear the smallest reason to

that we can neither bear their pressure, por believe, had he been spared to his country

endure their cure ; but we go on, from day to the present day, that, according to the

to day, from year to year, seeking, by any principles uniformly proclaimed by him, wretched nostrum the quackery of the age he could now be found among the advo

can furnish, to palliate a corroding plague, cates for concession. It is true, that he which is fast eating to our very vitals.” never would have endured that the mis. We cannot better conclude our rechief should have reached its present hide view of Dr Phillpotts' admirable work, ous magnitude, without any attempt to than by the final sentence of the Archkeep it down; he never would have endubishop of Tuam's speech in the House red that the known laws of the land should of Lords. Where, pray, on that ocbe outraged with impunity,—that they, casion, was the Bishop of Chester ? whose duty it was to execute and enforce those laws, should not only witness their the noble lord, and though strenu,

“ Though opposed to the motion of violation with calm complacency, but should, even in their place in Parliament, ously opposed to those who called themselves pronounce the most plausible themselves the advocates of emanciexcuse for past delinquency, and adminis- pation, yet he was a sincere friend to ter the strongest provocative to future ex- emancipation in its true sense. He cesses :-above all, he never would have would emancipate them from the bonendured, that the Majesty of British Le. dage of ignorance-he would emancigislation should be made the scorn and pate them from gross darknessbe laughing-stock of Irish demagogues that would emancipate their minds by a lian illegal association, put down by an ex.

beral and scriptural education ; not press statute in one month, should, in the next, rear its brazen front, without such an education as certain commise even the decent hypocrisy of a change of sioners had recently recommended to name,--should beard Parliament with its the adoption of the legislature-not insolent defiance,-should raise a revenue

such an education as would adapt the for the purposes of disaffection-should Scriptures to the passions and prejueven make the shameless but not the im. dices of men not such an educaprudent avowal, (for confidence, in such a as depended upon a corruption of the case, is strength,) that the collection of this text, or upon subtractions from it; he revenue is not merely a contribution for

was no advocate for such an educapast or present charges, but a bond of tion as that, but he was an advocate union and a pledge of future co-operation, for an education founded upon God's ---in the

revolutionary jargon of the day, holy word—he was for an education it is a means of organizing aud affiliating which took that word for its standard the people.'* _All this, I repeat, would not have been endured, had Mr Pitt still -an education which would tend to guided the helm of government,—ay, or

correct the superstitions of Ireland, had any one truly British statesman felt and to improve her moral condition." +

“ So it has been lately called by Mr Shiel, who adds, “ Every man, who contri. butes the smallest fraction of money, becomes the member of a vast corporation instituted for the liberty of Ireland.'

+ Since this article was partly printed, a second edition (as it is called) of the pamphlet alluded to a few pages back, has appeared, with the name of the Reverend Richard Shannon on the title-page.

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