right that every member may demand, by virtue of the very terms of the compact into which he has entered. Harmony of feeling is encouraged, and kind charities promoted by prohibiting in the Lodges, all controversies or discussions of sentiments, sectarian or partizan, in religion or politics. Pure morality is taught in the charges and lectures that are rehearsed from week to week, and enforced by the power of suspending or expelling those who persevere in immorality and vice. These are the means employed to secure the objects of the institution, and to us they seem appropriate and proper. THE EXTENT AND RESOURCES OF THE INSTITUTION. We take here as the basis of our statements the reports made to the Grand Lodge of the United States, at its September session, 1841. We ought to remark however, that these reports are by no means full, particularly upon the subject of funds expended for relief; several Lodg es having neglected to report upon that subject. From the data before us however, it appears that there are in the United States 18 Grand Lodges, 217 subordinate Lodges, with 18,106 regular members. The whole amount paid into the Lodges, for the year ending September 1, 1841, as far as reported, was $120,588. The amount actually paid out for relief and for education, during the same time, (very imperfectly reported however,) was $18,531. What was the amount paid by Lodges for current expenses, such as rent, fuel, lights, &c. &c., we have no means of ascertaining. From what we know of the ordinary expenses of Lodges, we presume that the amount thus expended would not exceed $50,000, so that after adding to this the amount expended for relief, and deducting the sum from the gross amount of revenue, there was probably at least $50,000 permanently invested in a fund sacred to the objects of the institution. From this cursory and very imperfect statement of facts, our readers can form something like a correct opinion as to the resources of the Order, and its means of carrying its principles into successful and useful operation. They can also decide upon the justness of our claim to a rank among the benevolent institutions of the age; and can fix upon the position that we should occupy among them. For ourselves, we are satisfied that there is not another institution in the United States which, in proportion to the number of members, has paid and expended an equal amount of money for the relief of suffering humanity around them. It would be invidious of course, for us to enter upon any comparisons of this kind. But we have a right to claim, that we may be judged by our works, and if our readers shall see proper to make the comparison between us and any of the numerous benevolent operations of the day we shall be satisfied, and have no fear of the result. It should be remembered also, that the funds of our institution are raised from its members alone, and without asking or receiving a fraction from the public at large. THE PROSPECTS OF THE INSTITUTION. There are various considerations that may be admitted as having a bearing upon the prospects of the institution. Its present prosperity is all that its most ardent friends can desire. During the year ending as above, there was an increase of 36 Lodges, 7866 contributing members, $8567 in the amount paid for relief, and $58,726 in the revenue of the Order. Should it increase in the like proportion for even a few years, it is easy to perceive that it will take an exalted and commanding position among the splendid creations of benevolence, that so honorably mark the character of the present age. But mere outward prosperity is not always a safe criterion by which to judge of future prospects. All institutions enjoy seasons of unusual prosperity, and then languish for a time. And then again, even success may be of such a character as to promise little for a permanent prosperity. The permanent success of a society of this kind, does not depend so much upon the number of acquisitions to its membership, or the increase of its revenue, as upon the character of its novitiates, the judicious application of its funds, and the proper management of its affairs. In all these respects the prospects of this institution are such as to promise much for the future. We do not intend to say, that every thing is precisely as it should be. In the present rapid increase of members it would be strange indeed, if some did not find admittance who were not in all respects worthy. Such undoubtedly is the fact in many instances. At the same time we do not think there is much cause of complaint on this account. Though we cannot boast of purity, yet we are happy to know that the members of the institution are, as a body, men of respectability of character and correct morals. They are moreover, ardently devoted to the interests of the institution and its principles, and are willing to labor for their promotion. On the whole then, we may safely say, the principles of the Order are such as find an approving response in every benevolent heartthat its members are generally men of a fair moral and intellectual character-that their zeal for the institution is active and persevering-and its present prosperity promises much for the future. The opposition arrayed against the Order is fast receding, and it is rap-idly advancing in the estimation of the public at large. From a mere handfull, in the midst of opposition, it has grown up to strength and impor-tance, and proved itself well able to abide the fires of persecution. How well it will sustain the influence of a rapid growth and great prosperity remains to be seen. If it shall remain united, and continue to devote its energies to the interests of the poor, the sick, the widow and the orphan, its star will still be in the ascendant, and its future destiny shall be as great and glorious as its past history has been remarkable. For ourselves we cannot resist the conviction, that great and good things are yet in store for this Order; and that it is destined to perform one of the greatest missions of mercy that has ever been performed by man to his fellow-man. Already it has the "blessing of him that was ready to perish;" and orphan voices, and widows' tears of joy are pleading its cause. With such advocates, and in an age of benevolent effort, we can scarcely fail of a permanent and healthful success. In the mean time it cannot be too strongly impressed upon the minds of the members of the Order, that a sacred trust is committed to their charge, and they should act as faithful stewards for themselves, their children, and generations yet unborn; and that, from the peculiarity of their position, they have high and responsible duties to perform. To them then, we give the admonition of faithfulness, and of the public we ask the boon of being judged by our fruits. New York. I. D. W. FRIENDSHIP. BY P. G. HORATIO GATES, OF BUFFALO, N. Y. FRIENDSHIP is born within the soul, and no base thonght supplants it; Nor leaves the wretched one forgot, when fortune flies away; It is like the soul's eternity,-begun--exists forever. It is not strange that some do change, when selfish prospects wither. Begone from me, and let me be friendless and lone, to perish, But when I die,-O let me lie obscurer then than ever,— GLORY AND PATRIOTISM. AMONG the mass of mankind there are certain general notions relative to the attributes of a good citizen, which, being regarded as indispensable, are received and cherished as a matter of course. Pre-eminently conspicuous in this list are glory, and a love of country, or patriotism. We are naturally fond of praise-renown-fame; whether bestowed upon ourselves individually, upon the section of country to which we are particularly attached by birth and education, or upon the nation of which we are constituent parts. And restrained within proper limits, the exercise of these feelings is commendable; for, as no one act is ever performed without a motive, and as its character must be, to a very great extent, determined by the nature of the motive, it is vastly important that the latter should be good: and surely it will not be denied, that an ambition which can be satisfied with the good will and esteem of our fellows, can never be dangerous. Hence it has always happened, that men whose ulterior designs have been the worst, have, in the outset of their career, been most lavish in their wordy kindness for the "dear people;" and as, at each successive stage of their progress, their true objects have been developed, they have grown more and more boisterous in their vociferations of regard, and ex treme self-sacrifice for the general good. The "glory of the Roman name" has led myriads to slaughter; the "glory of La Belle France" has enriched the soil of Europe with the blood of her slain; and the "glory of Old England" has carried death and devastation into every quarter of the habitable globe. Indeed the whole history of the human race, from the first organization of government to the present moment, exhibits a fearful record of scenes at which humanity shudders, originating in the tacit acquiescence of the people in those indistinct and ill-defined notions of glory and patriotism, put forth by selfish and designing men to promote their own iniquitous schemes. The progress of intelligence, however, has modified, to a certain degree, these crude ideas-so much so, in fact, that the question now begins to be asked by the actors, for whom and for what they are required to act. In representative government, especially, this trait is strikingly displayed; and in monarchies even, the mass are by no means so readily incited to deeds of violence and blood, as they once could be. In the latter, it is true, the better feelings are in a measure curbed by the strong arm of a government in which the people at large exert little more than a nominal sway; but will any one pretend that the government of Great Britain or France, sustained though it may be by a tremendous military armament, could enlist its forces in the prosecution of an enterprise to which they were opposed by every consideration of principle and interest? I fancy not-nay I am confident, that, but for those inherent predilections to which I have alluded, (commendable in themselves, and censurable only when misdirected,) the people of those countries could never be induced to enter upon wars revolting to their own sense of right, and destructive of their interest and happiness. The time has gone by when name and place exerted a mighty influence over the minds of men. Napoleon-he, at whose word the youth and chivalry of France flew to arms, and whose presence alone could animate to deeds of heroic daring-he is no more; and though his bones were recently borne from the sea-beaten rock where they should have reposed forever, and deposited, according to his last request, "in the midst of that people he had loved so well, on the banks of the Seine;" and though myriads rushed to his obsequies, while gold, and velvet, and the proud mausoleum were put in requisition to give eclat to the empty ceremony, yet who shall assume his tiara, or sway his magic sceptre with equal potency? The man lives not, nor shall he e'er again. A score of years-brief as the period may be in the world's history-has entirely changed the aspect of things; and though France may have participated in this change to a less extent than surrounding nations, owing to her mournful lack of popular intelligence, still, even there, has been buried in the same grave with Napoleon, that excessive tone of ardor, amounting to infatuation, which conducted him triumphantly through so many scenes of blood and carnage. The power, therefore, is, in the last resort, with the people; and hence it is only necessary that they should be qualified to judge with prudence and discretion; to look at things rather than names; and to weigh well the causes and consequences of whatever actions they may be required to perform, in order that the golden rule of "doing unto others as we would have others do unto us," may be made to prevail among nations, as well as individuals. In republics this state of things is already established, and fully recognized, in theory at least. The people make the laws, and determine, through their immediate representatives, the course of policy proper to be pursued; and a discretion, therefore, in their case, similar to that already hinted at, would not be justifiable. Nor can any reasonable apprehension be entertained that elective and responsible rulers would ever so far forget the interests of their constituency as to plunge blindly into a war, uncalled for by circumstances, and repugnant to all just notions of right. But how stands the case with England-she, whose recent atrocities in China seem almost incredible? Boasting of her position as the great exemplar of the world, in science, arts, and arms; with a religion deemed of so much importance as to be protected by the state, and a literature whose refining influence is felt throughout the whole civilized world-yet Eng land, in the face of all Christendom, and in utter violation of every princi ple of humanity and justice, sends forth her murderous hordes into a nation proverbial for their abstinence from all aggression, destitute of those means of defence which a generous antagonist would demand, and of all those auxiliary aids which a European civilization would engender, and butchers her inhabitants by thousands! Tell it not in a Christian landpublish it not among the inhabitants of the earth! And what is it that stimulates to all this? The answer is, the British name must not be disgraced-her honor must remain unsullied-her fame untarnished. Her flag, which has braved a thousand years. The battle and the breeze," must yet float, proudly and triumphantly. And this is glory-this is patriotism! For one, I confess I have no patience with that class of patriots who can look unmoved upon starving multitudes, such as now throng the manufacturing districts of England, and shout Te Deums to a butchering enterprise! On the contrary, I cannot but think that true glory is consonant only with goodness, whether existing in individuals or in nations; and that when either the one or the other cease to exemplify the latter in their conduct, they must necessarily relinquish all solid claims to glory, or great What was it, I ask, that made George Washington great, and has encircled his name with a halo of unfading glory? Was it not goodness chiefly, in its most exalted sense? Was it not the fact, that in the commander he never sank the man; and that, in the proudest moments of his life, when flushed with victory upon victory, benevolence was ever predominant in his character? In these remarks, however, I would not be understood as endeavoring to lessen a just regard for one's country-far from it. The principle is deeply rooted in the human heart, and can never be obliterated. But I do nevertheless contend, that, to be praiseworthy and enduring, it must be based on intelligence, and graduated by a sense of right; for when it ceases to partake of these qualities, it becomes the most odious despotism. Having said thus much in reference principally to glory, I shall proceed to notice, very briefly, what I conceive to be some of the prominent incentives of patriotism. In the first place, then, I observe, that I believe it to originate chiefly, if not solely, in the social feelings, or, if you please, in the selfish-for, if I may be allowed to quote a very excellent authority in |