for transferring the examination of West India accounts from the audit office to the commission, was, the necessity of inquiry and investigation on the spot, which the auditors were unable to effect. It was also declared to be temporary and directed to a specific object. Yet, notwithstanding the avowal of these plain grounds for its original establishment, another commission of much greater extent, and attended with much greater expence, had been formed, the greater part of which, with a large establishment, is fixed in London; and seems, from the report of the military commissioners, to have no other employment than that of receiving, and transmitting to the lords of the treasury the reports they received from their colleagues in the West Indies. As the whole of the ninth report of the commissioners of military inquiry refers to the acts of the first commission, it appears that the practice or system of peculation in the West Indies, though brought under the notice of government has Bot been effectually altered. Nor does government appear to have hitherto acted with any degree of vigour and efficacy, if at all, on the reports of the second commission; which burthens the nation with an annual expence of £13,000 a year.

There does not appear to be any indolence or remissness on the part of the different boards of inquiry, whose importance, continuation, or permanence, may be supposed to depend, in some measure, on their own conduct. They are diligent and active, and successful in their researches; which, if not suffered to lie as a dead let

ter on the table of the house of commons, might conduce, in a very high degree, to the benefit of the public. If indeed the importance of such boards were to be measured by the quantum of restitution that might be extorted from peculators by force of law, they would do but very little, if any thing at all, more than repay the expence of the establishments. But they may be of infinite service in unmasking the tricks of peculators, in tracing the case, secresy, and safety with which they have gone on from year to year up to some specific abuse or defect in the different departments of government, and enable ministry, if they are so inclined, to new reform or new model them. They will facilitate the detection of frauds and peculation, and thus, by diminishing the chance of secresy, lessen the number of public delinquents. Nay, if such accurate and minute reports should not be made any use of by government, still the nation will be benefited by their publication. There are few men who, for the sake of accumulating wealth, would encounter public and universal indignation, scorn, and contempt. It is in fact a desire of being the objects of attention, distinction, and of the sympathy or complacent regards of mankind, that is at the bottom of most of the cares, and the whole of the bustle of the world. It is this sense of honour and dishonour, that is, in a luxurious, corrupt, refined, and sceptical age, the grand cement of society. It pervades, in a greater or less degree, all ranks and classes. It is stronger, as well as more generally prevalent, than any practi

cal

cal sense of duty, cultivated by the soundest and finest speculations of moral philosophers on the constitution of the human mind: stronger, for the most part, than the faith of professors of religion. How many professed Christians are there, who, for the sake of the gain to be obtained by an act of perjury, would brave all the

denounced torments of hell, and yet tremble at the apprehension of the pillory, or even of being thrust out of creditable society? It is, therefore, a duty which all writers, especially periodical writers, owe to the public, to brand, by publishing and recording, public crimes and delinquencies.

CHAP.

the throne, to both houses of parliament, to proceed with as little delay as possible, to consider of the most effectual measures for the augmentation of the regular army. So early, therefore, as the 2d of February, lord Castlereagh rose in the House of Commons to move the order of the day, for the second reading of the militia inlistment bill. But, as this bill differed nothing in principle from the bill of last year, and as he had already given his opinion at length on its various details, he should abstain from troubling the house with a repetition of those details, and reserve himself for any objections that might be made to it.Mr. Elliot wished to know the rate of bounties proposed by his noble friend. Lord Castlereagh answered, from six to eleven guineas. Mr. Elliot said, that this bill afforded a striking lesson to the house and the country, of the evil consequences of adopting a bad precedent. Heretofore, previously to the introduction of a similar bill, there was much of detail and preparatory communication with colonels of regiments; but the former measure of his noble

relied that, in this too, he should friend having been adopted, he be successful. His majesty's speech, at the opening of the session, certainly recommended to parliament every attention to the increase of the disposeable army of the country, that was practicable without impairing the means of home defence. But he thought it impossi ble to accomplish the former by means of this bill, without materially injuring the latter. He did not condemn the colonels of the regiments for their anxiety to adopt the readiest means for filling up the ranks of their corps. But he did most decidedly condemn the principles of a bill, the operation of which would inevitably tend to the dissolution of all discipline, both in the regular army and militia, as well as to the injury of morality throughout the country: for such would be the effect of high bounties, given to the recruits from the militia to the line, and to the substitutes who were to fill their places in the militia, as had been fully evinced by experi ence. By the present bill, the militia officers were required to recruit at a bounty of ten guineas, for which, it was obvious, that, under the present system of bounties,

mon

men could not he had; but then there was the expedient of a little ballot, in case the bounty should fail, to be inflicted on the county where the quota of men could not be induced to list within a given period. And then, as a remedy to the balloted men, who could not find a substitute at half price, ten guineas were to be given in aid. But this ballot, coming on the heels of that for the local militia, could not fail to create general discontent in as much as it was. not a regular tax, but must weigh oppressively on individuals.-Mr. Elliot compared the effects of Lord Castlereagh's plan with that of Mr. Windham's, which propos ed to recruit men for limited service, instead of service for life: a plan, the principles of which, was founded on the feelings of human nature. He was ready to admit, that, for the first four or five months it was in operation, the preference for unlimited service preponderated. But, it was a fact, that, out of 27,000 men, raised in 1807 for general service, about 19,000 were for limited service: a clear proof that, had that principle been adhered to, the country would not only have avoided all the evils experienced both by the country and the army, under the balloting system, but that the force of the line would have been increased to any extent necessary, with a saving of nearly one half of the expence.

Sir T. Turton wished to know, before he could agree to augment the disposable force, what it was intended to do with it. Unless we meant to repeat such scenes as the convention of Cintra, and the retreat in Spain, we stood in no

need of additional force. For it was childish to talk of danger of invasion with our superior navy. He objected to the measure also on the ground of its changing the constitutional principle of the militia. Mr. Bastard said, that the former measure of allowing a transfer of men from the militia to the line, had been a plentiful source of mutiny, drunkenness, and insubordination. The secretary at war said, that it might be necessary for this country, in the present circumstances of the world, to act a great part on the continent. This was to be done only by increasing the amount of the regular army. But no other means than the present for answering this purpose could be found, than a military conscription. Mr. Calcraft observed, that the papers presented last year shewed, that the army then consisted of nearly 240,000 men, while the papers then on the table shewed its present amount to be only 210,000. How had this diminution taken place? He defended and praised the military system of Mr. Windham, which had produced, while in force, a supply of nearly 24,000 men annually; a supply as great as the circumstances of the population of this country would admit of. Mr. W's. system had not had a fair trial. He did not look to our acting any great military part on the continent. This was the fourth instance in which the militia had been drafted to supply the army: a practice which had driven qualified officers out of the militia. He did not think it possible to recruit the militia by the bounty proposed by lord Castlereagh. If men were wanted for the public service, they

should

should be raised at the public expence. Colonel Frankland, said, It was true, parliament was pledged to increase the military means of the country: but the question was, whether by the measures proposed, the regular army might not be increased, at the expence of our own defence. After the experience we had had, who could say that an unbalanced army was the best means of defence? Lord Castlereagh's plan of recruiting had a tendency to create disorganization and disgust in the home service, and to keep up all this when created. He praised the admirable, deeply-founded, and permanent system of Mr. Windham, and observed that it was impossible to discuss such measures as that proposed without taking a view of that system. All circumstances that bore upon the question were to be considered. And upon the whole he thought that lord C's system of expedients was the most inefficient and and burthensome that could be resorted to.

Lord Castlereagh said, that ministers, in the measures which they proposed for augmenting the army, had always two objects in view. First, to increase the disposable force; secondly, to take care that the defensive force should be so strong as that the country should not be exposed to peril from the manly exertions which his majesty's government might think it their duty to recommend for the assistance of other nations. Whatever was the present appearance of the cause of Spain, yet as the principle of increasing our disposable force was agreed to on all sides of the house,

it followed that, whether any or what portion of our army was to be sent to the assistance of Spain, was a question purely military, and only to be determined by the executive power. If ministers should afterwards appear to have given improper advice, or to have mismanaged the military means of the Country, they were subject to a heavy responsibility.--Circumstances might occur, under which it might be the duty of that house to give the most powerful assistance to the Spanish patriots. It was still his opinion, that if the Spanish people continued to display that energy which they had shewn not many months ago, struggles in that country were by no means at an end. But, if they were, did not other views, opening to the minds of honourable gentlemen, still shew the necessity of increasing our armies? Were we to suppose that no occasion could ever after occur, when they might be wanted on foreign service, or that the exertions of mankind were for ever to be tied down by the tyranny and usurpation of one individual? If no field of action presented itself in Europe, British interests might call them to the defence of another part of the world: while, at the same time, we must keep up an invincible army on our own shores to protect them from danger and insult.-As to the supposed diminution of the army, in the present year, Mr. Calcraft had fallen into a mistake; which probably arose from the artillery being included in the return of last year, who were not included in the return of the present. There were in the army, organized as it is at present, one

hundred