I think and hope will be preliminary to great good to this country.

German war, my German war they called it. Every session I called out, has any body any objections to the German war? Nobody would object to it, one gentleman only excepted, since removed to the Upper House, by succession to an ancient barony (meaning Lord Le Despencer, formerly Sir Francis Dashwood): he told me,' he did not like a German war.' I honoured the man for it, and was sorry when he was turned out of his post.

"A great deal has been said without doors of the power, of the strength, of America. It is a topic that ought to be cautiously meddled with. In a good cause, on a sound bottom, the force of this country can crush America to atoms. I know the valour of your troops. I know the skill of your officers. There is not a company of foot that has served in America, out of which you may not pick a man of sufficient knowledge and experience to make a governor of a colony there. But on this ground, on the Stamp act, when so many here will think it a crying injustice, I am one who will lift up my hands against it.

"In such a cause, your success would be hazardous. America, if she fell, would fall like the strong man. She would embrace the pillars of the state, and pull down the constitution along with her. Is this your boasted peace? Not to sheath the sword in its scabbard, but to sheath it in the bowels of your countrymen? Will you quarrel with yourselves, now the whole House of Bourbon is united against you? While France disturbs your fisheries in Newfoundland, embarrasses your slave-trade to Africa, and withholds from your subjects in Canada their property stipulated by treaty; while the ransom for the Manillas is denied by Spain, and its gallant conqueror basely traduced into a mean plunderer, a gentleman (Colonel Draper) whose noble and generous spirit would do honour to the proudest grandee of the country.

"The Americans have not acted in all things with prudence and temper. The Americans have been wronged. They have been driven to madness by injustice. Will you punish them for the madness you have occasioned? Rather let prudence and temper come first from this side. I will undertake for America, that she will follow the example. There are two lines in a ballad of Prior's, of a man's behaviour to his wife, so applicable to you and your colonies, that I cannot help repeating them: —

Be to her faults a little blind :

Be to her virtues very kind.'

"Upon the whole, I will beg leave to tell the House what is really my opinion. It is, that the Stamp-act should be repealed absolutely, totally, and immediately; that the reason for the repeal should be assigned, because it was founded on an erroneous principle. At the

I have the honour to be, with all possible esteem

and respect, Sir,

Your most obedient

and most humble servant,

GRAFTON.

P.S.-When we receive your answer, we will

wait on you if convenient.

MR. PITT TO LADY CHATHAM.

Tuesday, 1 o'clock, [January 21, 1766.]

My sweetest love's letter has made me happy, and her prudent and tender care keeps me easy about the dear, dear boys. Hurry is extreme; not my hurry, for, you know, I disclaim it; but others will see me, to say very pressing nothings. I have no chance of seeing you till Thursday. Business in the House swarms, but the bees never settle so things go off from day to day. I have no news to send. All is confusion, as usual.

Your ever loving husband,

:

W. PITT.

same time, let the sovereign authority of this country over the colonies be asserted in as strong terms as can be devised, and be made to extend to every point of legislation whatsoever that we may bind their trade, confine their manufactures, and exercise every power whatsoeverexcept that of taking their money out of their pockets without their consent."

The address was agreed to without a division.

GEORGE ONSLOW, ESQ. (1) TO MR. PITT.

SIR,

Curzon Street, January 30, 1766.

As you went out of town, understanding it to be settled that we should proceed on the debate, in consequence of having read all the American papers, to-morrow, I think it right to inform you, to save you the trouble of coming up unnecessarily, that we could not finish last night, and that it will be as much as we can do, if we get through the rest of the papers and the vivâ voce evidence tomorrow. (2) The House is so fatigued with these long sittings, and attention to useless uninforming

(1) Only son of the right hon. Arthur Onslow, many years speaker of the House of Commons. He was at this time member for the county of Surrey, and one of the lords of the treasury. In May 1776, he was created baron Cranley; and in the following October succeeded to the title of baron Onslow, by the death of his cousin, the third Lord Onslow. In 1801, he was created viscount Cranley and earl of Onslow; and died in 1814.

(2) On the 21st of January, leave had been given to bring in a bill to repeal the Stamp-act; upon which occasion, a motion by Mr. Grenville, to substitute the words "explain and amend,” instead of "repeal," was rejected, upon a division, by 275 against 167; and in a committee of the whole House, which sat daily, not only the petitions and papers laid before them were taken into consideration, but several persons were examined at their bar, and among them Dr. Benjamin Franklin, whose testimony tended to prove the Stamp-duty in every respect impolitic, and injurious to the country, and that the Americans would never submit to it, however modified, unless compelled by arms.

papers, that I doubt whether they will be prevailed on to sit on Saturday; indeed, there is not quite the same reason for it, as if we had proceeded to any resolutions.

After that, I hope we shall not stop till we have gone through the whole, and, by relieving America, saved the trade of Great Britain. Her dignity is concerned in doing justice, and in giving happiness and tranquillity to every individual that lives under her protection. God grant that those principles of government which you so nobly support, may govern the legislature in this arduous, important work! You shall certainly know on what day it is determined to proceed. I have the honour to be, with the highest respect, Sir,

Your most obliged, and

ever faithful humble servant,

GEORGE ONSLOW.

MR. PITT TO LADY CHATHAM.

February 11, 1766.

I HAVE the pleasure to be able to make you easy about my health, by telling you I bore the fatigue of yesterday till past twelve o'clock very well, and am not worse to-day, though the weather is severe. We debated long on various resolutions relative to

America, and finally ended in a good deal of agreement. The whole of things is inexplicable.(') Tuesday last, in the Lords, the ministry lost by three votes the question we debated yesterday; which was by us completely retaliated; for we overturned and beat, à platte couture, the triumphant factions, and brought them to agree, in words and substance, to somewhat more moderate even than the ministry themselves meant.

I just learn that the world is at the House of Lords to-day, where mighty things are doing. I am sorry to say Lord Temple rises in passion, and sinks in consideration; Lord Camden grows in fame and public confidence. I have just seen your brother James, looking ill, but I trust not so to

(1) Lord Chesterfield, writing, on the same day, to his son, says "Perhaps you expect from me a particular account of the present state of affairs; but if you do, you will be disappointed, for no man living knows what it is; it varies, not only daily, but hourly. Most people think, and I amongst the rest, that the date of the present ministers is pretty nearly out; but how soon we are to have a new style, God knows! This, however, is certain, that the other day they lost a question in the House of Lords by three. The question was, to enforce the execution of the Stamp-act in the colonies vi et armis. What conclusions you will draw from these premises, I do not know; I protest I draw none, but only stare at the present undecypherable state of affairs, which, in fifty years' experience, I have never seen any thing like. The Stamp-act has proved a most pernicious measure; for, whether it is repealed or not, it has given such terror to the Americans, that our trade with them will not be for some years what it used to be. Great numbers of our manufacturers at home will be turned a starving; and hunger is always the cause of tumults and sedition."