Kent reasoned as usual, at random, and Mr. Wedderburn(') acted like a true Scotchman. Sir Fletcher Norton dwelt much on the legislative authority to tax all the world under our dominion, yet ended with intreating Mr. George Grenville to withdraw his amendment. Beckford rubbed up the late administration, and told them how completely his prophecy was accomplished about America. Lord George Sackville supported the address, but inclined to support the stamp act. Mr. Nicholson Calvert, Colonel Onslow, Mr.Dyson, Mr.Huske, and one or two more, spoke in the debate; which ended with Mr. George Grenville withdrawing his amendment, and the address passed nem. con.

Permit your faithful friend to add his most hearty wish for your appearance at this time. It is the desire and opinion of every independent man; it is the disposition of the Prince and the people. The good of your country calls; your country calls; it always has animated you. I know it ever will. The nation has a claim to your abilities, and your integrity will always give a sanction to the exertion of those abilities

"tandem venias!

Nec sinas Juntos equitare inultos,
Te duce, Cæsar." (2)

() Mr. Wedderburn was at this time member for the Scotch boroughs of Rothesay, &c. In 1771, he was appointed solicitor, and in 1778, attorney-general; in 1780, lord chief justice of the court of common pleas, and advanced to the peerage, by the title of baron Loughborough; and in 1793, lord chancellor. In 1801, he was created earl of Rosslyn; and died in 1805.

(2)

My pen has run farther than my intentions. I beg your excuse. If I should contribute to your amusement my end is answered. I know you will pardon all errors in, Dear Sir,

Your most faithful

and devoted humble servant,

GEORGE COoke.

THE EARL OF SHELBURNE TO MR. PITT.

DEAR SIR,

Hill Street, Saturday night,
December 21, 1765.

I HAVE, in common with the public, indulged so much the hope of seeing you in London, sooner or later, that it was not my intention to have troubled you till that should happen, had nothing particular passed. What has, perhaps may not be worth much of your attention; but as I feel the least mention of your name extremely delicate, I think it most prudent to submit to you the particulars of two or three days past.

It is not my intention to detain you with what regards individuals. Your own experience and intuition supplies you, I am satisfied, with abundant information of that kind. The minutes of the House of Lords, which I have the honour to inclose to you, will inform you of the ground of what has passed in public. My notion of the state

of the House of Lords was this: the Opposition, consisting of the late ministers, showed a great deal of factious ability; which, as it was not much pulled to pieces by any one, appeared to me to pass for real. The administration seemed to have formed a resolution to avoid debate on that day, and therefore interfered but little. The Duke of Grafton and Lord Dartmouth were, I think, the only two who spoke at all. Lord Temple expressed, in the strongest terms, his affection and his esteem for you; stating your connection as the honour of his life, and to retain it his object; and voted with the minority, on the principle of strongly ascerting the rights of the English parliament over America, without committing himself further.

I should not trouble you with any account of myself, if my conduct had not been since, more the subject of observation than I had reason to apprehend; though I cannot say it has been in general interpreted differently from what I meant to convey. I certainly was desirous to act with firmness, and without regard to little views, upon those principles which made part of the conversation you honoured me with at Bath. There were other motives, likewise, which incited me very strongly to the part I took. I felt attaching the name of rebellion hastily, and traitors, to the Americans, and comparing them to the Scots at Derby-which was the language used-dangerous, and perhaps both imprudent and unjust. I could

not help deprecating, as strongly as I could, a motion which seemed to preclude a repeal, before it was considered thoroughly how far it might be necessary; and, without committing myself on what might be fit to be done, I endeavoured to distinguish the real ties by which America might be supposed to hold to this country, in order to obviate objections arising from a thousand false lights thrown out on the subject; acknowledging the power of parliament to be supreme, but referring the expediency of the act to be considered in a commercial view, regard being to be had to the abilities of the Americans to pay this tax, and likewise to the consequences likely to proceed, in any event, from the late violences. The prejudice against the Americans on the whole seemed very great, and no very decided opinion in favour of the ministry; yet, such is the power of even a changeable court influence, that the administration divided eighty to twenty-four.

What has passed in the House of Commons, you will doubtless hear from better hands. I understand there has been a good deal of little debating there, on different things, without much effect, and not followed by any remarkable division. The last was upon the question of adjournment. I had no idea that my conduct in the House of Lords could be remembered beyond the day; but the next day, Lord Rockingham sent Sir Jeffrey Amherst to Colonel Barré, and yesterday sent

Mr. Dunning to Colonel Barré and to me, with a great many flattering expressions, in regard to Tuesday; and in short, what I am almost ashamed to relate, that if I chose to make a part of the present system, he thought he could answer any opening would be made that I could wish, and that Colonel Barré should have rank in the army, or any thing else added to the vice-treasurership, which had been offered him some time since. My answer was very short, and very frank; that, independent of my connection, I was convinced, from my opinion of the state of the court, as well as the state of affairs every where, no system could be formed, durable and respectable, if Mr. Pitt could not be prevailed on to direct and head it.

This produced a certain degree of communication on that head, in which Lord Rockingham expressed himself certain of Mr. Pitt's good wishes, and that they were most ready to be disposed of as he pleased; mixed, however, with very great apprehensions, in consequence of second-hand accounts and anecdotes, which I do not think worth troubling Mr. Pitt with, and a great embarrassment as to the manner of application. I did not think it fit to suggest any thing, or to enter further into the matter. They persisted, however, in their application to Colonel Barré; who returned a still more explicit answer, to the same purpose. You will not think I have much merit in this conduct, when I add, that I am astonished at their infatuation