OF BOOKS PRIOR TO THE INVENTION THE author formerly, just as much as at present, had Books were frequently exported into the principal towns of Italy, and into Gaul, Spain, Africa, or Britain. Pliny, writing to his friend Germinius, expresses his gratification at learning that his works had circulated so far as Lyons, and there maintained their reputation, where customs and tastes were so different to those prevailing at Rome. Martial alludes to compliments he had received from Toulouse and Vienna. During the dark period of the Middle Ages, in which the cultivation of letters was almost utterly neglected, booksellers seem to have been unknown, for Mr. Hallam can find no trace of their existence prior to the end of the twelfth century. The stationarii, (so called according to Pegge from their possessing stalls or shops in distinction to itinerant vendors,) or booksellers, are mentioned in the statutes of Bologna, 1259. In these they are enjoined to sell only to the members of the university, and always to keep a certain number of books for hire at a specified remuneration. There were also book-brokers, who were allowed a certain commission, amounting to one-fortieth or one-sixtieth. Many Italian universities forbad the sale of books for the mere profiting by the transfers. At Paris, in 1323, the stationarius, or book-lender, is distinguished from the librarius, or book-broker. The prices of the books were fixed by officers of the universities, but no work could be disposed of at all without the previous sanction of the authorities. By an act passed in the reign of Richard the Third, and confirmed by Henry the Eighth, it was decreed that if booksellers offered works at unreasonable prices, the justices of the King's Bench were empowered to regulate such prices by the oaths of twelve honest, discreet, persons. A bookseller could not refuse a member of a university the permission to transcribe a manuscript, but could demand a pledge for the security of the volume, and a fixed sum for its hire. The university also forbad that any book should be disposed of prior to the correction of the faults of the copyist, and if these were detected afterwards, they were to be corrected, or the book to be destroyed, and the bookseller punished. In 1303 twenty-eight booksellers, among whom were two women, took oaths to obey the ordonnances of the University of Paris. For some time after the invention of printing, the printers were also the booksellers. Faust carried his Bibles to France for sale, and many persons who had formerly been copyists now became agents for the printers, and carried the copies round to the various monasteries for sale. The numerous pilgrimages to holy places also afforded good opportunities of disposing of books, especially those of a religious character, now so much reduced in price by means of the printing press, and the cheapness of paper. But it was at Frankfort-on-the-Maine, where so many strangers resorted to the fair, that the book trade especially flourished, although the celebrity of its book fair has been since surpassed by that held at Leipsic*. In connection with the powers assumed by the universities over booksellers, we may allude to the establishment of censorships, and the prohibition of obnoxious works. It is an error to suppose that the liberty of publishing opinions to the world has only been placed under restriction since the invention of printing; although it is certain, that after that epoch, owing to the number of works becoming so much increased, and so many of them being devoted to advancing the cause of the Reformation, such restriction became then much more stringent. The works of Protagoras, and of Diogenes of Melos, were prohibited at Athens, and all the copies that could be procured publicly burned, and the authors banished, for having denied the existence of the gods. Prodicius of Cos, having written a book to show that men elevated natural objects to the rank of gods, drank hemlock to avoid the disgrace of banishment. At Rome one of the laws of the Twelve Tables, which was frequently renewed, condemned the author of defamatory writing to death. Augustus is said to have ordered several thousand books of a superstitious and astrological character, (to which the Romans were much addicted,) to be destroyed. He also condemned the Satires of Labienus to the flames, upon which occasion Cassius Severus said, that to destroy them effectually they must condemn him also to death, as he had all the works of his friend Labienus by heart. The dramatic poet Nævus, wishing to imitate the licence of Aristophanes upon the stage, was banished, and his works prohibited. Ovid was exiled for having written his Art of Love, but this must have been but a pretext, as the book itself was not prohibited. In the reign of Tiberius, Crementius Cordas, having eulogized Brutus in his Annals, poisoned himself to avoid the vengeance of the emperor; his works were burned, but his daughter Marcia concealed a few copies, which were afterwards published. It is singular that the ferocious Nero treated those who even severely satirized him with more clemency than many of his predecessors. Antiochus Epiphanes caused the books of the Jews to be burned, and those of the earlier Christians were similarly treated. When the Christian religion became predominant, the clergy exercised the very severity towards obnoxious books which they had ridiculed, when employed by the heathens. Thus the Council of Nice condemned the works of Arius to the flames, Constantine denouncing death upon those who should conceal them; and Theo dorus the Second, at the request of the Council of Ephesus, caused the works of Nestorius to be burned. The works of Abelard were condemned in 1141, and a • See Saturday Magazine, Vol. XXIII., p. 166 few years after, those of Arnold of Brescia were burned, together with their author. The punishments of Amouy de Chartres, John Huss, Jerome of Prague, and others, and the attempted destruction of their works, are other familiar examples. In France an immense number of persons were condemned to be destroyed at the stake, with their works, for attempting to introduce the principles of the Reformation, with the early printed works. The despotism of Henry the Eighth, in the suppression and destruction of suspected works, is well known, and although the odious jurisdiction of the Star-Chamber was abolished, the Parliament long continued its restrictions, so that it is only from the year 1694 that liberty of the press can be truly said to have existed in this country. The cruel treatment which Prynne endured reminds us that the age of barbarism has not long passed away, and the burning of political works by the hands of the hangman has been performed within the memory of those living. 700,000 volumes, said to have been amassed at Alexandria, may have resulted from the labours of 6000 or 7000 authors, and perhaps the whole did not more than equal 30,000 or 40,000 of the folios of our own day. The fecundity of the old authors in these small volumes was, however, astonishing: many left from 150 to 200, or even from 400 to 500. Pliny the Elder, though cut short during his literary career, had yet written 400 volumes. Origen tells us of a certain Didymus, of Alexandria, who composed, in the time of Cæsar, 6000 of these volumes, but Seneca says the number was only 4000. The collection of books into public libraries has always proved of vast benefit to the cause of literature, and is a task only to be accomplished by the powerful or wealthy. The Egyptians are said to have had libraries cotemporarily with the Trojan war, and one was founded at Athens by Pisistratus, long prior to the time of Aristotle, who, Strabo says, was the first Greek who The various universities of Europe seem first to have formed a library. The libraries of Alexandria have entaken upon themselves the right of the censorship, and joyed a far-spread reputation; that founded by the they obliged the booksellers to keep suspended a list of Ptolemies was accidentally destroyed. Antony presentpermitted works, with their prices. Beckman considers ing to Cleopatra the library of Eumenes, king of Perthat the first example of a direct appointment of a cen- gamos, laid the foundation of the celebrated collection, sorship, is to be found in the mandate of Berthold, which, at the period of its destruction by the Saracens archbishop of Mentz, 1486, in which he forbids the in 642, amounted to 700,000 volumes. The Romans, translation or publication of any work in the mother although they ultimately possessed some magnificent tongue, until it has been approved of by four doctors, collections, did not establish any public library until the under pain of fine, excommunication, and forfeiture of time of Augustus, who committed that charge to Pollio. books. Although the University of Paris had, from Others were added by the various emperors, so that in the thirteenth century, exercised an irregular and very the time of Constantine they were twenty-nine. One arbitrary control over the booksellers, yet a regular of the most magnificent was the Ulpian, founded by Tracensorship cannot be said to have been established before jan. Students were lodged and maintained there at the 1629. As one of the necessary results of their acknow- emperor's expense, in a most princely manner, their ledged claims to infallibility, the popes claimed the cen- education superintended, and their access to the stores sorship of books. When manuscripts were scarce, and of knowledge facilitated. Many private citizens had little read by the laity, and, when written by the clergy, considerable libraries. Tyrannion, in the time of Sylla, usually referred to their superiors for approval and cor- possessed 3000 volumes; Epaphrodotus, at a later pe rection, they contented themselves with mere recom- riod, 30,000. Sammonicus Teremus bequeathed to the mendations; but when the spread of knowledge be- Emperor Gordian a library of 60,000 volumes. These gan to menace their supremacy, absolute prohibitions, private libraries were not always accumulated from a and the terrors of excommunication, were resorted to. love of literature, and Seneca complains of the vanity Hence originated the celebrated Erpurgatory Index, of the age, in furnishing the banqueting rooms with or list of prohibited books, which embraces such a host books out of the mere spirit of profusion; they were of learned authors and illustrious men, that inclusion in also to be found in the baths, and in the offices of the it cannot be considered dishonourable: ainong these are clients, and the waiting rooms of guests, to fill up odd Linnæus, Adam Smith, and Robertson. "The Council hours. The libraries were often arranged with great of Trent and the Spanish Inquisition," says Milton, taste, and even magnificence. Cicero, who was an engendering together, brought forth, or perfected, those cata-thusiastic bibliopolist, in a letter to Pomponius Attilogues or expurging indexes, that rake through the entraills of many a good old author, with a violation worse than any that could be offered to his tomb." He adds, "To fill up the measure of encroachment, the last invention was to ordain that no book, pamphlet, or paper, should be printed, (as if St. Peter had bequeathed them the keys of the Press, as well as of Paradise,) unless it were approved and licenct under the hands of two or three glutton friars." en It is doubtful whether the first index was issued in 1548, or some years later. In one published by Clement the Eighth, in 1595, there is the extraordinary decree, that all Catholic books published since 1515, (just before Luther commenced his denunciations,) should not only be corrected by retrenchment of errors, but by the addition of whatever may seem necessary to the censors. The knowledge of the extent of the supply of books at different epochs furnishes us with some idea of the condition of literature at those periods. The abundance of books among the ancients was not so great as at first sight would appear. The cumbrous form of the volumen, or roll, obliged them to publish their works in detached parts; not exceeding, probably, in quantity of matter, seventy or eighty of our pages. Horace published at a time but one book of Odes, Epistles, or Satires; Virgil but one book of the Georgics; Ovid, one or two of his Metamorphoses; and Martial but one book of Epigrams: so that, as observed by Peignot, the his books had been arranged by the accomplished Tyro cus, speaks with rapture of the elegant manner in which at Tusculum. Pollio introduced the practice of ornamenting the shelves with the busts of learned men, by placing in his library the statue of his cotemporary Varro. The press containing an author's works was often also ornamented by a small brass figure or plaister bust. How little of these accumulated treasures has been destined to reach our times! and yet, when we consider the infinity of impeding causes that have prevailed, we must agree with Gibbon, that after "the lapse of ages, the waste of ignorance, and the calamities of war, our treasures rather than our losses are the objects of sur prise." The ravages of the barbarians in the fourth and fifth centuries, in their descent upon the south of Europe, sacrificed literary equally with grosser trea sures; and the bigotry and ignorance of the early monks, so far from permitting them to endeavour to avert the flood of destruction, too often led them to assist its progress. The destruction of the Alexandrine Library, following in the seventh century, the whole civilized world, with the exception of one small focus of enlightenment at Constantinople, became involved in the chaotic confusion and deplorable ignorance of the justly termed dark ages. In the sixth century, how ever, some of the northern nations becoming converted to Christianity, some tranquillity was restored, while some few of the Gothic kings were attached to literature and the love of peace. The eighth century, says Henry, seems for Europe generally to have been the darkest period of that night which followed the destruction of the Roman empire. The irruption of the Lombards into Italy, and of the Saracens into France and Spain, together with the frivolous nature of the studies followed by the clergy, must have mainly contributed to this. Charlemagne, in his noble labours for the revival of learning among his subjects, had to seek his teachers far and wide. From the seventh to the eleventh century, says Robertson, the state of Europe was such, that persons of the highest rank and most eminent station could neither read nor write. Many of the clergy did not understand the Breviary they were compelled to recite; and even dignified ecclesiastics were not always able to subscribe the canons they had assisted in promulgating. The signatures of even kings and nobles were often denoted by a cross, from inability to write, whence the phrase, signing, instead of subscribing a document. A great scarcity of books was both the cause and consequence of this state of things. The conquest of Egypt by the Saracens, in the seventh century, effectually prevented the export of papyrus, and therefore, until the discovery of linen paper, about the tenth or eleventh century, the expensive substance parchment was the only material, and that frequently not to be obtained at any price. Warton has collected many curious facts concerning the prices and rarity of books at this epoch, and we regret we cannot enter into his details. Even the papal library, at the end of the seventh century, was so badly furnished with books, that the Pope requested Sanctamund to assist in supplying his deficiencies from the remotest parts of Germany. The Abbot of Gemblours, having, with immense labour and expense, collected a hundred volumes on theological, and fifty upon profane subjects, considered he had indeed formed a splendid library. King John of France, at his death, left eight or ten volumes as a foundation for a royal library. It is true, observes Hallam, that under some religious superiors, as Wethamstede of St. Alban's, much industry prevailed; but this depended much upon the character of these superiors; and the ignorance and jollity prevailing at Bolton Abbey were far more the order of the day than the cultivation of the letters at St. Alban's; while the majority of the transcriptions Several monas consisted of mere monkish trash. teries had but one Missal, and in the tenth century the same copy of the Bible and Book of Offices served more than one religious house. Lupus, abbot of Ferriers, declares that throughout France a complete copy of Cicero or Quintilian did not exist. Private individuals seldom possessed any books at all, and we read of a Countess of Anjou bartering two hundred sheep, five quarters of wheat, and as much oats and millet, for a Book of Homilies. Even as late as 1471, when Louis the Eleventh wished to borrow the works of Rasis from the Library of Physicians at Paris, he was obliged to leave a large quantity of plate, and to procure the signature of a nobleman, agreeing to a forfeit, as a pledge for its security. When our Henry the Fifth died, several books he had borrowed were only restored after the claims of the owners were carefully examined into. The present of a book to a monastery was considered so acceptable an offering, as to entail a remission of a portion of sin; while terrible anathemata were fulminated against those who alienated a book presented to a religious house. When a book was purchased, persons of character and consequence witnessed the contract, and when it was bequeathed, restrictions and limitations usually accompanied the donation. HUGO GROTIUS. III. THE great Gustavus was about to exhibit to Sweden and to the world the high estimation in which he held Grotius, when he was unhappily slain in battle, on the 6th of November, 1632. Sweden, however, who governed the kingdom during The High Chancellor of the minority of Queen Christina, followed out the intentions of the late king, giving to Grotius the most important office he could have assigned to him, by appointing him Councillor to Queen Christina, and her ambassador at the Court of France. The affairs of Sweden were at this time in a precarious posture; but the skill, capacity, and address of the High Chancellor Sweden preserved almost as much authority as she were fully equal to the emergency, and by his means enjoyed during the life-time of Gustavus. period an important resource of the Swedes and their allies lay in the protection of France, and to Grotius strengthening that union. It was on the 2nd of March, was entrusted the delicate office of promoting and 1635, that Grotius made his public entry into Paris in the character of Ambassador to the Queen of Sweden. an audience with Louis XIII. he was assured by that He was received with the customary honours, and in monarch that Sweden could not have sent into France a minister more agreeable to him. At this In his conduct as ambassador, Grotius exhibited prudence, activity, moderation, and firmness, so as to secure not only the friendship of the King of France, but the unqualified approbation of Oxenstiern, the High Chancellor of Sweden. Cardinal Richelieu indeed was variable in his conduct towards him, delayed the payment of subsidies granted to Sweden, or made deductions from them; and endeavoured to depart from the terms of the treaty in every way. Grotius, however, was always true to the interests of his country, and neither blandishments nor assumed dignity on the part of the cardinal and his agents could induce him to depart from ministry, and a party endeavoured to obtain his removal. his integrity. Thus he became odious to the French But Oxenstiern knew that the cardinal's enmity arose from the zeal displayed by Grotius for the service of his mistress, and would not therefore consent queen to his recall. Grotius displayed such extreme tenacity of the dignity of Sweden, that he was often embroiled with the ambassadors of other lands. He even insisted of Sweden being on taking precedence of the English, in consideration 'the most ancient and extensive kingstood with respect to the ministry of France may be dom in Christendom." The position in which Grotius judged of by an extract from one of his letters to the Oxenstiern. would gladly see me gone, because I absolutely refuse the "I am persuaded," he says, "that they presents they offer me; and suffer not myself to be led by them like the other ambassadors. For this reason they put me in such a situation that I must either sacrifice the dignity of the kingdom, or expose myself to be hated. I will never do anything against the honour of Sweden; and I will shun, as much as I can, what may render me odious. Whatever may do on such critical occasions I shall be science." censured; but I rely on the testimony of a good con While Grotius was thus embroiled with the ministry and with the other ambassadors, he still continued on friendly terms with Louis XIII. He frequently visited him, and was always well received. The Prince of Condé also testified his esteem for Grotius, as did the most learned and eminent men of every communion. He also enjoyed the confidence of the queen his mistress; but she unadvisedly sent a mere adventurer, named Cerisante, with instructions for Grotius; and this man, taking upon himself an assumption of dignity, and acting in France so as to detract from the honour of the Swedes, and to lower the estimation in which their ambassador was held, Grotius became disgusted with his office, and applied to the queen for his recall. In a letter to his brother he says, "I have come to the age at which many wise men have voluntarily renounced places of honour. I love quiet, and would be glad to devote the remainder of my life to the service of God and of posterity. If I had not some hope of contributing to the general peace I should have retired before now. The Queen of Sweden granted the request of Grotius, and wrote of him to the French queen in terms of the highest praise, saying that she would never forget his great services. On retiring to private life, Grotius went to Holland. He was extremely well received at Amsterdam and Rotterdam. From thence he proceeded to Hamburgh, Lubec, Wismar, Colmar, and Stockholm. Queen Christina repaired thither from Upsal to meet him, and gave him several audiences. She was lavish in her expressions of regard, and in her promises; but as Grotius found the fulfilment of them to be a matter of doubt, and also that he was regarded with considerable jealousy by persons at court, he asked permission to leave Sweden. The queen, reluctant to lose so bright an ornament to her court, refused several times to grant him his dismission, and signified to him that if he would continue in her service in quality of councillor of state, and bring his family to Sweden, he should have no occasion to repent it; but he excused himself on account of his own health, which was beginning to decline, and also on that of his wife, who could not bear the cold air of the kingdom. He therefore requested a passport; but there was so much difficulty in obtaining it that he actually departed without one, and had arrived at a seaport about two leagues distant in order to embark for Lubec, when the queen's messengers overtook him, with a request from her majesty that she might see him once more, otherwise she should think that he was displeased with her. Compelled thus to return, Grotius explained his reasons to the queen more fully, who at length seemed satisfied with them, and made him a present in money amounting to twelve or thirteen thousand Swedish imperials, of the value of about ten thousand French crowns. She added to the present some plate, the finishing of which had, she told him, been the only cause of the delay in granting his passport. It was afterwards issued, and the queen appointed a vessel to convey him to Lubec. The vessel, in which he embarked on the 12th of August, 1645, had scarcely sailed for Lubec when it was overtaken by a violent storm, and obliged on the 17th of that month to put in fourteen miles from Dantzick. Grotius set out in an open wagon for Lubec, and arrived at Rostock very ill, on the 26th of August. He was quite unknown in this place; where he found himself so much debilitated as to require the aid of a physician. On a first interview his medical attendant told him that his indisposition proceeded from weakness and fatigue, and that with rest and some restoratives he might recover; but on the day following he changed his opinion. Perceiving that the weakness of his patient increased, with a cold sweat, and other symptoms of an exhaustion of nature, he announced that his end was near. Grotius then requested the attendance of a clergyman. John Quistorpius was brought to him, who in a letter to Calovius gives the following particu lars of the last moments of Grotius. You are desirous of hearing from me how that Phoenix of Literature, Hugo Grotius, behaved in his last moments, and I am going to tell you. He embarked at Stockholm for Lubec; and after having been tossed for three days by a violent tempest, he was shipwrecked and got to shore on the coast of Pomerania, from whence he came to our town of Rostock, distant above sixty miles, in an open wagon, through wind and rain. He lodged with Balleman, and sent for M. Stockman, the physician, who, observing that he was extremely weakened by years, by what he suffered at sea, and the inconveniences attending the journey, judged he could not live long. The second day after Grotius's arrival in this town, that is on the 18th August, O. S., he sent for me at nine at night. I went and found him almost at the point of death. I said there was nothing I desired more than to have seen him in health, that I might have the pleasure of his conversation. He answered, God had ordered it otherwise. I desired him to prepare himself for a happier life, to acknowledge he was a sinner, and to repent of his faults; and happening to mention the publican who acknowledged that he was a sinner, and asked God's mercy, he answered, "I am that publican." I went on and told him that he must have recourse to Jesus Christ, without whom there is no salvation. He replied, "I place all my hope in Jesus Christ." I began to repeat aloud in German the prayer which begins "Herr Jesu," he fol lowed me in a very low voice with his hands clasped. When I had done, I asked him if he understood me. He answered, "I understand you very well." I continued to repeat to him those passages of the Word of God which are commonly offered to the remembrance of dying persons; and asking him if he understood me, he answered, “I heard your voice, but did not understand what you said." These were his last words; soon afterwards he expired, just at midnight. His body was delivered to the physicians. The remains of Grotius were afterwards carried to Delft, and deposited in the tomb of his ancestors. Queen Christina wrote a letter of condolence to the widow of Grotius, and made a request to her to procure her all the manuscripts of this learned man, whose works had given her the greatest pleasure. Speaking of the person of Grotius, Burigny describes him as a strong and well-built man, though not tall, He had a good complexion, an aquiline nose, sparkling eyes, and a serene and smiling countenance. The high character of Grotius as a literary man, may in some measure be gathered from our brief sketch; and if we have not dwelt on the apparent inconsistencies in his religious career, it is because we feel the subject to be a painful one, and because we believe that his motives were good, though mistaken. The design which he had formed of reconciling all the different parties which divide Christendom, made it a matter of necessity with him to get the Church of Rome on his side, and in so doing he went so far as grievously to offend the Reformed Church. But he was evidently deceived by the flatteries of Romanists, and while he thought he was making great advances in the cause of general peace and union, he was giving them strong hopes of his conversion to their particular belief. In one of his letters to his brother he said, "I have received a visit from some Catholic Councillors of State, and Codurus, a clergy; man, who expect the coalition will quickly take place, and pay great regard to my opinion. May the God of peace direct the whole to the advancement of truth and piety!" But we find the learned Jesuit, Father Petau, talking, not of the general coalition, but of Grotius's conversion. "I do not think him far from becoming a Catholic," says Petau, "after the example of Holstenius. I shall neglect nothing in my power to reconcile him to Christ, and put him in the way of salvation." According to the prediction of Ruarus, Grotius eventually reaped no other fruit of religious controversy than the hatred of the parties he was attempting to reconcile, Burigny justly says that to hope for success in such a project as that which engaged the attention of Grotius, one must suppose in all men a sincere love of truth, and a readiness to renounce their prejudices; fact, we must endow them with good understandings and upright hearts. in ONE delicate attention which most of the Hindoo women voluntarily pay to their husband, is, that when he is absent from home for any length of time, they seldom wear their jewels, or decorate themselves with ornaments; since the object they most wish to please is no longer in their presence.-FORBES' Oriental Memoirs, JOHN W. PARKER, PUBLISHER, West Strand, LONDON, a On the dissolution of St. Mary's Abbey, as noticed in former article, it was dismantled, and by order of Henry the Eighth a palace was built out of its ruins, the name of which was changed to the King's Manor, in order, say the historians of the city, "that the very name and memory of the abbey might be lost for ever.' The king having established a council at York for the purpose of maintaining order in the northern counties, the manor was appropriated to the residence of the lords president. In 1541 King Henry visited York, and remained there twelve days, during which time the Manor House was probably his place of residence. James the First, on his journey to London to take possession of the crown after the death of Elizabeth, arrived at York on the 16th of April, 1603. He resided at the Manor, and was entertained with great splendour by the lord mayor and corporation. His majesty was so well pleased with the honours paid him, that, at a public dinner given him by the lord mayor and citizens, he expressed himself much in favour of the city, seemed concerned that their river was in so bad a condition, and said it should be made more navigable, and he himself would come and be a burgess amongst them. He also ordered the Manor House to be repaired, and converted into a royal palace, intending to use it as such upon his journeys to and from Scotland. There are still many testimonials of the prince's design, in arms and other decorations about the several portals of the building. It was still, however, used as the residence of the Lords President of the North, as long as VOL. XXIV. that office continued. The lords of the council met his majesty at York, and the state and dignity which he here took upon him formed quite a contrast to the comparatively rude habits of the Scottish kings. His majesty visited York again in 1617, when the Manor Palace became the scene of regal pomp and court festivities. In 1633 Charles the First paid his first visit to York, while on his way to Scotland. Previous to the breaking out of the war between him and his parliament, the king summoned a great council of the peers, to be held in York, and subsequently, in the latter end of the year 1641, he took up his residence at the Manor Palace. Here he was attended by upwards of forty peers of the first rank, and the county levied a corps of six hundred men, who acted as his body guard. This court, which was very splendid, was not however constantly held at the Manor, but for a part of the time at Sir Arthur Ingram's house in the minster yard. The Earl of Strafford, as lord president of the north, also resided in the Manor Palace. During the civil war the Manor was materially damaged. On the 14th of June, 1644, the Earl of Manchester's forces having undermined St. Mary's tower, Colonel Crayford, a Scotchman, sprung the mine with such effect that the tower was demolished, and a number of persons buried in the ruins. After this he made a breach in the wall in Mary Gate, which being practicable was entered by the rebels, who scaled several other walls, and took possession of the Manor. It hap 752 |