Poetry. VERSES Occasioned by the death of a lovely boy, the only child of the author's. 0 Bide wi' me, my bonnie boy, me; Fair opening blossom, bide wi' Wi' meikle care, my little John, And cheerful toil, to smooth the road, Fain would I hear that little tongue But hark-the dire, the dread command! The briary wild blooms fair to see, 27th Dec. 1809. } WINTER, AN ODE. T. M. C. Hence, o'er the stubble fields, with deathful aim, Is heard the sanguinary sport begun, Fell deeds of blood, hear Nitre's voice proclaim, Archiev'd o'er innocence by dog and gun. But, ah poor houseless indigence may weep, And dread the raving blast, And thy sharp peltings vast, Who wail thy reign in lorn dejection deep; And thou, pale chief, beneath thine angry sky, O spare the bark, toss'd on the tempest's wing, When billows rise as liquid Alps on high, And thy rude blasts through groaning cordage sing. Pity the shepherd and his fleecy care, High on the heath-clad wild, Where thy fierce gusts the mountain-tops keep bare, When tempest veils the starry face of Heaven, And grim night reigns with thee in dismal form: When by fierce winds the sweeping snows are driven, Urg'd by the infuriate demon of the storm. Hail, then, hoar regent o'er the northern strand! Weep snows in howlings drear, And close his cold eye with thy icy hand, HAIL, Winter-hail : bleak o'er the Then from the infant year withdraw thy northern main, Father of deep'ning snows, Sit storm and tempest, sleet and driving rain; Safe from thy rage the gather'd fields appear, The reapers' crooked blade has trimm'd them bare; Their conic heads the laughing barnyards woes, Leave Albion timely to the smiles of spring; Let thy chill reign with February close, And birds from budding boughs thy exit sing. THE SIMMER GLOAMIN'. A SCOTTISH SONG. By Robert Tannabill. The pairtricks down the rushy howm, Now loud and clear the blackbird's sang Rings through the briery shaw, While Beeting gay, the swallows play, Around the castle wa'. Beneath the gowden gloamin' sky The redbreast pours its sweetest strains, The roses fauld their silken leaves, The simple joys that nature yielde snaw, This time of the year to me is more dear Than the season when cowslips and violets do blaw. For then, O how sweet! my Christy I'll meet, I'll heighten ber joys or share in her woe, And when in those arms I gaze on her charms, Then soft-scented zephyrs around us will blow. Ye pampered up creatures, that boast of your features, Your silken attire, and your fine equipage, Ye skip the proud palace, with breasts full of malice, And at every inferior you scold and you rage. But view my dear lassie, nor pridefu' nor saucy, But meek as the lambie at eve on the Her face it is smiling, her talk it is wiling, to me. If Fortune has sworn to hold me in scorn, to shine, Grant me that dear creature, the first work of nature, What care I for fortune if Christy were mine. LINES Written at Habby's Howe, 22d Sept. 1809. Who warm at Ramsay's honour'd name, Approach, survey the scene recluse, When toil had lent its turn to play Or where yon hawthorn's flowery breast While Nature hush'd, retires to rest, Nor passion known to cold controul; maid, Do all he did, say all he said. What tho' the blind decree of fate lovely Has doom'd her to the russet gown, See grace on every action dwell; A heart humanity can swell. 'The world's dread laugh,' or kindred's Make thee this treasure sweet forego, And Nature's first impulse disown? And love them for themselves alone 15th Oct. 1809. Goldsmith. J. MD. Historical Affairs. AMERICA. THE CHE intelligence from this quarter is by no means of a pleasant nature.Mr Jackson, the British envoy, it appears, has quitted the American seat of government, with the object of his mission unaccomplished, and the differences he was sent to conciliate rendered more difficult of arrangement. There is a great deal of the disingenuousness, and trifling spirit, so justly attributed to modern diplomacy, promi nently visible in every feature of the present transaction. The American government and our minister commenced, it would apprar, the negociation, pre-determined to ob struct, rather than to advance an adjustment. The voice of reason, interest, moderation, compelled the parties to affect sincerity and concilation; that of passion, pride, and false independence, filled their minds with rancour, whilst their lips breathed the language d peace. The sentiments of the American executive were known to be hostile; they leaned with a strong tendency to the measures which the infuriated policy of France continues to enforce, in the avowed intent of annihilating the prosperity of this country. When these sentiments were so ill disguised when they were expressed in every public document that had any reference to the subject, and were flagrantly ma afest in the servility that government opposed to the overbearing pretensions and insults of Bonaparte;-while they had the audacity to hold such high language to Great Britain, not unmixed even with meBaces:-Under these circumstances, it might almost be said to have been trifling with candour and the national dignity, to commence a negociation where there was not the remotest prospect of success. Our go. teratuent could not concede. The American required concession; and that with a peremptoriness which implied a wish to be refused. If, in human affairs, there be a moment in which humiliation is commendable, the present time is not the season! If the nations of the earth have renounced those principles of right co-existent with regular governments, Great Britain must maintain them with the greater pertinacity. She is the last asylum to which justice, freedom, and virtue can fly. These are the household gods of the patriot; and where can he have the precious deposit, sound this country have not the inclina, nor the independence, to protect them? Jan 1810. The following is the extract from the Washington National Intelligencer, Nov. 13. which contains the official intelligence we have just communicated. "In the course of the correspondence which, it seems, has taken place between Mr Smith the secretary of state, and Mr Jackson, we understand that Mr Jackson had stated, that the dispatch from Mr Canning to Mr Erskine, of the 231 January, was the only dispatch by which the conditions were prescribed to Mr Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement with this country, on the matter to which it related that Mr Smith, in his reply, had assured Mr Jackson that no such declaration had ever before been made to the government; and added, that if that dispatch had been communicated at the time of the arrangement, the arrangement would not have been made that, notwithstanding this assurance, Mr Jackson u ed a language implying, that Mr Erskine's instructions were at this time made known to the government --that, in Mr Smith's answer, an intimation was distinctly given to him, that such an insinuation was inadmissible, and especially after the explicit asseveration of this government, that if they had had such knowledge, such an arrangement would not have been made: That in Mr Jackson's next letters the same insinuation having been reiterated, and even aggravated, it only remained, in order to preclude opportunities, which had been thus abused, to inform Mr Jackson, as Mr Smith did, that no further communications would be received from him, and that the necessity of this determination would, without delay, be made known to his government, with an assurance to it, at the same time, that a ready atten tion would be given to any communications affecting the interests of the two nations, through any other functionary that may be substituted." In consequence of this interruption of the negociation, Mr Jackson dispatched the following circular letter to all the British consuls in America, a copy of which he sent for publication in the American news papers. sufficient motive for breaking off an important negociation, and for putting an end to all communication whatever with me as the Minister charged with that negotiation, so interesting to both nations, and on one most material point, on which an answer has not been returned to an official and written overture. (This overture is on the affair of the Chesapeake.) "One of the facts alluded to has been admitted by the Secretary of State himself in his letter of the 19th of October, viz.That the three conditions forming the substance of Mr Erskine's original instructions, were submitted to him by that gentleman. The other, viz.-That that instruction is the only one in which the conditions were prescribed to Mr Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it related, is known to me by the instructions which I have myself re ceived. "In stating those facts, and in adhering to them, as my duty imperiously enjoined me to do, in order to repel the frequent charges of ill faith which have been made against his Majesty's Government, I could not imagine that offence would be taken at it by the American Government, as most certainly none could be intended on my part; and this view of the subject has been made known to Mr Smith. "But, as I am informed by him, that no further communication will be received from me, I conceive that I have no alternative left, which is consistent with the King's dignity, but to withdraw altogether from this city, and to await elsewhere the arrival of his Majesty's commands upon the unlooked for turn which has been given to his affairs in this country. "I mean, in the interval, to make New York the place of my residence, where you will henceforward please direct your communications to me, as I shall be accompanied by every member of his Majesty's mission. "I am, with great truth and respect, "Sir, your most obedient servant, "F. J. JACKSON. "To, his Majesty's Consul, ———." MEETING OF CONGRESS. On the 27th of November, Congress met, when the following Message from the President was laid before both Houses by the Secretary of State : PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. Fellow Citizens of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives, At the period of our last meeting, I had the satisfaction of communicating an ad justment with one of the principal bellige rent nations, highly important in itself, and still more so, as presaging a more extended accommodation. It is with deep concern, I am now to infrom you, that the favourable prospect has been overclouded, by a refusal of the British Government to abide by the act of its Minister Plenipotentiary, and by its ensuing policy towards the United States, as seen through the communications of the Minister sent to replace him. Whatever pleas may be urged for a disavowal of engagements formed, by diplo matic functionaries, in cases where, by the terms of the engagements, a mutual ratification is reserved; or where notice, at the time, may have been given, of a departure from instructions; or, in extraordinary cases, essentially violating the principles of equity; a disavowal could not have been apprehended in a case where no such notice or violation existed; where no such ratification was reserved; and more especially, where, as is now in proof, an engagement, to be executed without any such ratification, was contemplated by the instructions given, and where it had, with good faith, been carried into immediate execution on the part of the United States. These considerations not having restrained the British Government from disavow. ing the arrangement, by virtue of which its orders in Council, were to be revoked, and the event authorising the renewal of commercial intercourse having thus not taken place, it necessarily became a question, of equal urgency and importance, whether the act prohibiting that intercourse was not to be considered as remaining in legal force? This question being, after due deliberation, determined in the affirmative, a proclamation to that effect was issued. It could not but happen, however, that a return to this state of things, from that which had followed an execution of the arrangement by the United States, would involve difficulties. With a view to diminish these as much as possible, the instructions from the Secretary of the Treasury, now laid before you, were transmitted to the collectors of the several ports. If, in permitting British vessels to depart, without giving bonds not to proceed to their own ports, it should appear that the tenor of legal authority has not been strictly pursued, it is to be ascribed to the anxious desire which was felt, that no individual should be injured by so unforeseen an occurrence; and I rely on the regard of Congress for the equitable interest of our own citizens, to adopt whatever further provisions may be found requisite, a general remission of penalties involuntarily incurred. The E The recall of the disavowed Minister having been followed by the appointment of a successor, hopes were indulged that the new mission would contribute to alleviate the disappointment which had been produced, and to remove the causes which had so long embarrassed the good understanding of the two nations. It could not be doubted, that it would at least be charged with conciliatory explanations of the step which had been taken, and with proposals to be substituted for the rejected arrangement. Reasonable, and universal as this expectation was, it also has not been fulfilled. From the first official disclosures of the new Minister, it was found, that he had received no authority to enter into explanations relative to either branch of the arrangement disavowed; nor any authority to substitute proposals, as to that branch which concerned the British orders in Council: and, finally, that his proposals with respect to the other branch, the attack on the frigate Chesapeake, were founded on a presumption, repeatedly declared to be inadmissible by the United States, that the first step towards adjustment was due from them; the proposals at the same time omitting even a reference to the offi cer answerable for the murderous aggression, and asserting a claim not less contrary to the British laws and practice, than to the principles and obligations of the United States. The correspondence between the Department of State and this Minister will shew how unessentially the features presented in is commencement have been varied in its progress. It will shew also, that, forgetting the respect dae to all governments, he did not refrain from imputations on this, which required that no further commanications should be received from him. The necessity of this step will be made known to his Britannic Majesty, through the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States in London. And it would indicate a want of confidence due to a Government which so well understands and exacts what becomes foreign Ministers near it, not to infer that the misconduct of its own representative will be viewed in the same light in which it has been regarded here. The British Government will learn, at the same time, that a ready attention will be given to communications, through any other channel which may be substituted. It would be happy, if the change in this re spect should be accompanied by a favour. able revision of the unfriendly policy which has been so long pursued towards the United States. With France, the other belligerent, whose trespasses on our commercial rights Lave long been the subject of our just re monstrances, the posture of our relation does not correspond with the measures taken on the part of the United States to effect a favourable change. The result of the several communications made to her Government, in pursuance of the authority vested by Congress in the Executive, is contained in the correspondence of our Ministers at Paris, now laid before you. By some of the other belligerents, altho❜ professing just and amicable dispositions, injuries materially affecting our commerce have not been duly controulled or repres sed. In these cases, the interpositions deemed proper on our part have not been omitted; but it well deserves the consideration of the Legislature, how far both the safety and the honour of the American flag may be consulted, by adequate provisions, against the collusive prostitution of it, by individuals unworthy of the American name, which has so much favoured the real or pretended suspicions, under which the honest commerce of their fellow-citizens has suffered. In relation to the powers on the coast of Barbary, nothing has occurred which is not of a nature rather to inspire confidence than distrust as to the continuance of the existing amity. With our Indian neighbours, the just and benevolent system continued towards them has also preserved peace, and is more and more advancing in, habits favourable to their civilization and happiness. From a statement which will be made by the Secretary at War, it will be seen that the fortifications on our maritime frontier are in many of the ports completed, affording the defence which was contemplated; and that further time will be required to render complete the works in the harbour of New-York, and in some other places. By the enlargement of the works, and the employment of a greater number of hands at the public armories, the supply of small arms, of an improved quality, appears to be annually increasing, at a rate that, with those made on private contract, may be expected to go far towards providing for the public exigency. The act of Congress, providing for the equipment of our vessels of war, having been fully carried into execution, I refer to the statement of the Secretary of the Navy for the information which may be proper on that subject. To that statement is added, a view of the transfers of appropriations, authorised by the act of the session preceding the last, and of the grounds on which the transfers were made. Whatever may be the course of your deliberations on the subject of our military establishments, I should fail in my duty in not recommending to your serious atten |