perusal. To read it, merely, will be of little service. It ought to be taken up with the spirit which we bring to the investigation of profound science. Those who are desirous of pushing their theoretical knowledge into practice, ought to accompany the perusal of such works as this with the study of the best models of composition. Dry precepts are as insufficient to form a great composer, as a great painter, or a great statuary. It is

only by combining the study of principles with an intimate knowledge of such examples of successful composition as are afforded by the great masters of England and the continent, that the candidate for musical fame can attain his object, and our country be rescued from the reproach of owing nearly all the classical music, which is known and performed in it, to the genius of foreigners. X.

TH

HIS is a very crude, common place tract, ethical, political, and historical, upon the theory and practice of duelling. With whatever contempt and detestation we may look upon this relic of barbarism -the custom of deciding personal quarrels by the "appeal of arms”—we cannot bring ourselves, whilst it has any advocates among the brave, the polite, and the intelligent, to view it with unconcern. The needlessness, the folly, the turpitude, of resorting to this measure have been so often and so eloquently descanted upon, that it were hopeless to attempt the suggestion of any new motive to dissuade from it; and indeed they have been so irrefragably demonstrated, that further remonstrance should seem unnecessary. But it is not always the conviction of the understanding that determines the will. There are those, who in their calm and fasting hours, will readily admit the abstract inexpediency of permitting, even upon the most serious occasions, members of the same civilized community, to settle their disputes by deadly combats that in their choleric and after-dinner moods, will jeopardize their own lives and the life of a fellow-creature and a fellow citizen to revenge the most trifling insult which their jealousy had misapprehended, or which their arrogance had provoked. Duelling must not only be proved to be unwise, unlawful, and repugnant to religion and humanity-it must be made disreputable and unfashionable, to render it infrequent. It is in yain that the penal code promulges its interdiction, in vain that the cathedral denounces its anathemas, in vain that conscience interposes its warnings against this nefarious practice, whilst fashion approves, and the world endures it.

It was intimated by a learned and res

pected friend of ours, in a conversation which we had with him not long since in regard to the wonderful number of benevolent and beneficial associations which have grown up in our day-missionary societies, bible societies, peace societies, sunday-school societies, soup societies, fuel societies, and numerous other similar institutions to promote the spiritual and temporal welfare of the poor;-banking companies, insurance companies, turnpike companies, manufacturing companies, and other oppressive combinations for the aggrandizement of the richand the multiform conspiracies among the various classes of tradesmen for the furtherance of their divers craftsit was intimated, we repeat by our worthy friend, on taking a review of this formidable array, which seems to have fortified with sufficient muniments the rights and interests of every other description of citizens, that it was high time a society were organized for the protection of honest men. Could this hint be acted upon there is no calculating the good effects that might result from it; for we do not doubt that there are honest men enough in the community, could they be brought to act in concert, to form a counterpoise against intriguers, and to exercise a salutary control over public sentiment. The misfortune is, that scattered as they are through every condition of life, and having only general objects in common, they have never yet thought of forming themselves into a confederacy.

Among the many advantages which might be derived from the formation of such a league among "good men and true," would be the abolition of duelling. It would not be necessary under the existence of such a federation, for a man of

inflictions of human law, are insufficient to deter from one offence, they will be equally impotent to restrain from other offences; and if it is necessary to fortify human obedience by express asseverations in a single case, it is alike indispensable in all cases. The evident tendency of this accumulation of oaths and adjurations is to derogate from the simple force of moral obligation, which ought to avail as an adequate motive of conduct, and which should be strengthened by the requisite sanctions of temporal punishment. The introduction, for instance, of an oath to corroborate an averment, is an admission of a distinction which ought never to obtain; and as far as it operates, goes to destroy the sacredness of the duty of speaking the truth on every occasion where one is obliged to speak at all. A man who cannot be believed upon his word, cannot increase his credibility by any invocation. In the words of Dr. Paley

"It merits public consideration, whether the requiring of oaths on so many frivolous occasions, especially in the customs, and in the qualification for petty offices, has any other effect, than to make them cheap in the minds of the people. A pound of tea cannot travel regularly from the ship to the consumer, without costing half a dozen oaths at the least; and the same security for the due discharge of their office, namely that of an oath, is required from a church-warden and an arch-bishop, from a petty constable and the chief justice of England. Let the law continue its own sanctions, if they be thought requisite; but let it spare the solemnity of an oath. And where, from the want of something better to depend upon, it is necessary to accept men's own word or own account, let it annex to prevarication penalties proportioned to the public mischief of the offence."

There is no science which has kept so unequal a pace with the march of the human mind as jurisprudence. Notwithstanding the progress of philosophy and refinement, there are features of superstition and barbarity which deform at this day the codes of the most polite and learned nations. We will not now advert to the arbitrary traditions which constitute a great part of the common law, and which are so abhorrent to republican institutions that we are led to wonder by what process they were brought to unite in our motley systems of government-there are still more protuberant and ruder fragments of the savage state interpolated into the disproportioned though magnificent edifice of municipal law. Capital punishment, imprisonment for debt, the administration of oaths, and

the laws against usury are among those acknowledged blots in the page of legislation, which no community, however free, unprejudiced and enlightened, has dared to obliterate.

It was to have been hoped that this country, after the proud effort by which it broke the shackles of colonial oppression ; after it had by its nascent energies achieved its political emancipation, would continue to exhibit a moral and physical growth equally vigorous with its early indications-and that as the fen and the forest were subdued and fertilized by industrious culture, the regions of mind would be explored, and the barriers to human happiness abated. The prodigious stride which we took in the outset of our career prognosticated a more rapid advancement. We have too often paused, and sometimes have retreated. But, though little has been accomplished in reforming inveterate abuses, many schemes of reformation have been devised, and the public has become accustomed to ponder upon existing inconveniences, and to consider of their remedies. Indeed something has been actually done in mitigation of most of them. Capital punishment, for instance, is confined to a few atrocious crimes; persons having conscientious scruples are exempted from taking oaths; imprisonment for debt is restricted in some States to debts above a certain amount-and the period of incarceration is limited; whilst a new member of our confederacy has made it an article of its constitution, that no law shall be passed, till a certain number of years has elapsed, to restrain contracts relating to the interest of money. The success of these experiments will probably encourage a further extension of the principles on which they proceed; and may lead to an investigation of the reasonableness of many maxims and regulations by which society has consented to be tramelled, from time immemorial, without presuming to question their propriety.

It has given us infinite satisfaction to find, in the late official communication of the governor of the State of New-York, the recognition and enforcement of many just axioms of polity and political economy, which have been too little understood, or too much neglected among us. We hope and trust that the recommendations contained in this able and perspicuous speech will be met in a proper manner by the body to which it was addressed. The subjects to which it adverts are of prominent interest, and the re

marks in relation to them are, in our opinion, without exception, wise and seasonable. Education and literature occupy, as they should do, a conspicuous rank among the considerations suggested by the executive. They are unquestionably the most potent engines in the hands of government. By diffusing the elements of knowledge as widely as possible, the number of those capable of judging of the measures of rulers is of course increased. In the same proportion, too, is the number of those augmented who are qualified to take part in the councils of their country. It will therefore always be the policy of an upright and sagacious administration to throw all possible lights upon the public mind-not only as it will serve to illustrate its own course, but as it will tend to exalt public opinion, and give new energy to national character. The force of a people is compounded of their moral and physical vigour-and the enLargement of their understanding is a direct accession to their power. In fact, as the community is composed of individuals, and these individuals are to almost all valuable purposes the creatures of education, it requires no profound argument to show the political importance of a general and judicious system of instruction. But the more important the end, the more effective should be the means adopted to attain it-and in addition to those which have been hinted, we would propose that all public teachers should be examined as to their qualifications, and receive licence to pursue their vocation, if approved. When it is considered how excessively ignorant many of those are who assume the office of tuition, it may be thought worth while to take some steps for preventing able-bodied ignoramuses from deserting those useful occupations for which they were fitted and designed, to enter upon employments in which they are worse than useless themselves, and only stand as an obstacle in the way of the deserving. Added to the frequent ignorance of preceptors of the subjects which it is incumbent on them to treat, the vitiousness of the common modes of elementary instruction is a prodigious hindrance to the progress of the pupil. Whoever has reflected upon the usual methods of learning pursued in our schools, will have perceived, and whoever will consult his own experience must acknowledge, their utter inaptness to the purpose of imparting and acquiring information. It affords us peculiar gratification to see sentiments which we have long entertained, and not unfrequently

urged, on this head, inculcated from a quarter more capable of giving them their due weight. But there is not only need of revolution in pedagogy—our academies and colleges are placed upon a wrong footing. The first should take the place of the last, and instead of the last, a very few universities should be established in the United States, with the privilege of conferring degrees. Liberal education,' as it is called, has become dog-cheap-insomuch that many a baccalaureus or even artium magister, cannot construe his own diploma. This brings a double disgrace upon the country. It renders our pretensions to literature contemptible in the eyes of foreigners, and it fills the learned professions with mountebanks, quacks, and petifoggers, to the great detriment of our best interests, and to our perpetual domestic discomfiture and annoyance. To put an effectual stop to such a pregnant source of chagrin, would require an amendment of the Federal Constitution.

We have been drawn, we believe, by no u matural catenation of reasoning, somewhat aside from the original theme of our discourse. But we have entered on a ground so ample, so interesting, and which, withal, we have so great a desire to traverse, that we shall find it exceedingly difficult to arrest our steps. We shall endeavour, however, to find some more favourable opportunity to discuss the momentous questions which have been touched upon, or which are involved in the positions which we have taken. We cannot, however, take leave of the admirable state paper to which we have alluded, without expressing our cordial cencurrence in its animadversions upon banking. There is nothing so prejudicial to the well being of this community, nothing so hostile to the genius of republicanism, so inconsistent with common sense, and so incompatible with the actual enjoyment of civil liberty, as the gigantic coalition of avarice and speculation, which, under the name of banks, is daily devouring the fruits and crippling the efforts of industry. It would require a volume to point out all the deformities of this many-headed monster. Banks are most oppressive monopolies-stockholders and directors enjoying most unequal and unmerited privileges, drawing interest on monies which they have not, and paying no taxes on that which they have; they throw a dangerous and un

This is true only in regard to the banks of New-York, and a few other States.

due influence into the hands of a few capitalists-they tend unfairly to increase the store of the rich by virtually robbing the poor. These are only a few of the grounds on which we deprecate banks. Some of the objections we have pointed at might be obviated. Banks might be granted to all who chose to apply for them (the legislature reserving to itself the right of investigating at all times the concerns of all corporations deriving their being from charters granted by it)-the stockholders might, as in other partnerships, be held individually responsible for the company's debts-the capital of banks might be roundly taxed towards the support of government-and a summary process provided for compelling payments in specie. In the New England States all these modifications have been adopted. But our opposition extends to the whole fraternity of secular incorporations. They are ungenial to our political institutions they check the circulation of property, and accumulate it ip improper hands. In this country wealth is power; and by the very means which the community, through the medium of their representatives, have granted to capitalists of indulging their cupidity without hazard or remorse, (for corpora

tions have no conscience, and the individuals composing them no responsibility,) these same capitalists have acquired a paramount influence over both the legislature and the people. If an effort be not soon made to burst these ignominious bonds, the labouring and productive population of this country will become the mere slaves and drudges of a monied despotism. Already does a spirit of cringing servility manifest itself towards these cut-purses of the empire and the rule,' that it should make the blood of a freeman mantle to think of. A Turkish bashaw or a Persian satrap receives not more contemptible adulation than does a bank director-though often better entitled to deference and homage.

The impolicy and immorality of irresponsible corporations cannot be sufficiently exposed. We have known instances of combinations among monied institutions in this country, for the like of which a society of cordwainers would have been indicted for conspiracy.

But we must reserve ourselves for a more fit occasion to go into the consideration of the subjects we have glanced at-and of many others closely connected with them.

E.

THE HE author of the work before us appears to be a physician and professor of chemistry in the University of Oxford, England, and to have also united in his person the professorship of mineralogy. These subjects are so connected, and chemistry is so capable of aiding the science of mineralogy, that when we observed them combined in one professorship sustained by a physician, we anticipated much satisfaction in the perusal of his labours, from the display of much learning and research. We were led to anticipate this from the high character of physicians in general for learning and ability; and having observed that some professors of chemistry have been entirely ignorant of mineralogy, and that other persons have studied the latter without an adequate knowledge of chemistry, we were much pleased with the prospect before us, when we observed that Dr. Kidd, professor of chemistry, VOL.-No. V.

the author under review, was also conversant in mineralogy. Hence we had much to expect on a subject which occupies much attention in the present day, and which is advancing in improvement, together with its kindred science of geology. But upon reading the work, we find that our anticipations were too sanguine, perhaps from too favourable a view of the medical character.

From whatever cause our disappointment has happened, we shall not stop to regret it, but proceed to notice the work under consideration in some of its details. The subject is geology, which has mineralogy for its handmaid. The former embraces a whole and connected view of the materials of the terraqueous globe, in order to deduce general results, from such consideration, as to the manner of the earth's formation: the latter makes us acquainted with these materials in detail : the former is the application of know