clamation of grace and pardon to such as shall submit and come in1 within a time prefixed, and of some further reward to such as shall bring others in, that one's sword may be sharpened by another's, is a matter of good experience, and now I think will come in time. And perchance, though I wish the exclusions of such a pardon to be exceeding few, yet it will not be safe to continue some of them in their strengths, but to translate them and their generations into England, and give them recompence and satisfaction here for their possessions there, as the King of Spain did by divers families of Portugal. 4 To the effecting of all the points aforesaid, and likewise those which fall within the divisions following, nothing can be (in priority either of time or matter) better than the sending of some Commission of countenance, ad res inspiciendas et componendas; for it will be a very significant demonstration of her Majesty's care of that kingdom; a credence to any that shall come in and submit; a bridle to any that have their fortunes there, and shall apply their propositions to private ends; and an evidence that her Majesty, after arms laid down, speedily pursueth a politic course, without neglect or respiration: and it hath been the wisdom of the best examples of government. Towards the recovery of the hearts of the people, there be but three things in natura rerum. 1. Religion. 2. Justice and protection. 3. Obligation and reward. For Religion (to speak first of piety, and then of policy), all divines do agree, that if consciences be to be enforced at all (wherein they differ), yet two things must precede their enforcement; the one, means of instruction; the other, time of operation; neither of which they have yet had. Besides, till they be more like reasonable men than they yet are, their society were rather scandalous to the true religion than otherwise, as pearls cast before swine: for till they be cleansed from their blood, incontinency, and theft (which are now not the lapses of particular persons, but the very laws of the nation) they are incompatible with religion reformed. For policy, there is no doubt but to wrastle with them now is directly opposite to their reclaim, and cannot but continue their alienation of mind from this government. Besides, one of the principal pretences whereby the heads of the rebellion have prevailed both with the people and with the foreigner, hath been the defence of the Catholic religion and it is this that likewise hath made the foreigner reciprocally more plausible with the rebel. Therefore a toleration of religion (for a time not definite) except it be in some principal towns and precincts, after the manner of some French edicts, seemeth to me to be a matter warrantable by religion, and in1 policy of absolute necessity. And the hesitation1 in this point I think hath been a great casting back of the affairs there. Neither if any English papist or recusant shall, for liberty of his conscience, transfer his person family and fortunes thither, do I hold it a matter of danger, but expedient to draw on undertaking, and to further population. Neither if Rome will cozen itself, by conceiving it may be some degree to the like toleration in England, do I hold it a matter of any moment, but rather a good mean to take off the fierceness and eagerness of the humour of Rome,.and to stay further excommunications or interdictions for Ireland. But there would go hand in hand with this, some course of advancing religion indeed, where the people is capable thereof; as the sending over some good preachers, especially of that sort which are vehement and zealous persuaders, and not scholastical, to be resident in principal towns; endowing them with some stipends out of her Majesty's revenues, as her Majesty hath most religiously and graciously done in Lancashire and the recontinuing and replenishing the college begun at Dublin; the placing of good men to be bishops in the sees there; and the taking care of the versions of bibles, catechisms, and other books of instruction, into the Irish language; and the like religious courses; both for the honour of God, and for the avoiding of scandal and insatisfaction here by the show of a3 toleration of religion in some parts there. For Justice, the barbarism and desolation of the country considered, it is not possible they should find any sweetness at all of justice, if it shall be (which hath been the error of times past) formal, and fetched far off from the state; because it will require running up and down for process, and give occasion for polling and exactions by fees, and many other delays and charges. And therefore there must be an interim, in which the justice must be only summary; the rather, because it is fit and safe for a time the country do participate of martial government. And therefore I could wish in every principal town or place of habitation, there were a captain or governor, and a judge, such as recorders and learned stewards are here in corporations, who may1 have a prerogative commission to hear and determine secundum sanam discretionem, and as near as may be to the laws and customs of England; and that by bill or plaint, without original writ; reserving from their sentence matter of free-hold and inheritance, to be determined before a superior judge itinerant; and both sentences, as well of the bayliwick judge as the itinerant, to be reversed (if cause be) before the council of the province to be established there with fit instructions. For Obligation and Reward, it is true (no doubt) which was anciently said, that a state is contained in two words, præmium and pæna. And I am persuaded, if a penny in the pound which hath been spent in pœna (for this kind of war is but pœna, a chastisement of rebels, without fruit or emolument to this state) had been spent in præmio, that is, in rewarding, things had never grown to this extremity. But to speak forwards.2 The keeping of the principal Irish persons in terms of contentment, and without cause of particular complaint, and generally the carrying of an even course between the English and the Irish, whether it be in competition, or whether it be in controversy, as if they were one nation (without that same partial course which hath been held by the governors and counsellors there, that some have favoured the Irish and some contrary) is one of the best medicines of1 state. And as for other points of contentment, as the countenancing of their nobility as well in this court as there; the imparting of knighthood; the care of education of their children, and the like points of comfort; they are things which fall into every man's consideration. For the extirping of the seeds of troubles, I suppose the main roots are but three. The first, the ambition and absoluteness of the chief of the families and septs. The second, the licentious idleness of their kernes and soldiers, that lie upon the country by cesses and such like oppressions. And the third, their bar 1 2 may, om. A. afterwards: A. chief of the, om. A. 3 the: A. 4 that state: R. barous laws, customs, their Brchen law,1 habits of apparel, their poets or heralds that enchant them in savage manner, and sundry other such dregs of barbarism and rebellion, which by a number of politic statutes of Ireland, meet to be put in execution, are already forbidden; unto which such addition may be made as the present time requireth. But the deducing of this branch requireth a more particular notice of the state and manners there than falls within my compass. For Plantations and Buildings, I find it strange that in the last plot for the population of Munster, there were limitations how much in demesne, and how much in farm, and how much in tenancy; again, how many buildings should be erected, how many Irish in mixture should be admitted, and other things foreseen almost to curiosity; but no restraint, that they might not build sparsim at their pleasure; nor any condition that they should make places fortified and defensible. Which omission was a strange neglect and secureness, to my understanding. So as for this last point of plantations and buildings, there be two considerations which I hold most material; the one for quickening, and the other for assuring. The first is, that choice be made of such persons for the government of towns and places, and such. undertakers be procured, as be men gracious and well beloved, and are like to be well followed. Wherein for Munster, it may be (because it is not res integra, but that the former undertakers stand interessed,) there will be some difficulty. But surely in mine opinion, either by agreeing with them, or by over-ruling them with a parliament in Ireland, (which in this course of a politic proceeding infinite occasions will require speedily to be held,) it will be meet to supply fit qualified persons of undertakers. The other that it be not left (as heretofore) to the pleasure of the undertakers and adventurers, where and how to build and plant; but that they do it according to a prescript or formulary. For first, the places, both maritime and inland, which are fittest for colonies or garrisons, (as well for doubt of the foreigner, as for keeping the country in bridle,) would be found, surveyed, and resolved upon and then that the patentees be tied to build in those places only, and to fortify as shall be thought convenient. And lastly, it followeth of course, in countries of new populations, to invite and provoke inhabitants by ample liberties and charters. doe find: B. 1 laws: R. 3. What might have been done in this matter if Elizabeth had lived, it is vain to inquire. She lived only to see the first part of the work accomplished-the rebellion effectually subdued. As yet indeed she showed no sign of decaying powers, and it was only the number of her days that warned her councillors to prepare for a successor. On the 7th of September, 1602, she completed her sixty-ninth year; yet her administration was never more active, vigorous, and prosperous; nor ever more her own. Reinforcements were despatched to the army in Ireland in sufficient numbers and with sufficient speed to complete the pursuit and defeat of the scattered rebels. A naval force was fitted out to keep the Spanish navy in employment or in check, and so cut off all hope of further assistance from that quarter. And besides active negociations carried on through her ambassador with Henry IV. to secure common action in the immediate exigencies, she was in secret personal correspondence with him about his great design for the settlement of Europe,-an enterprise in which he and his great minister were still reckoning upon her individual co-operation as a condition almost indispensable.' The year was a year of plenty. Her health continued good. Every packet brought news of some head of rebellion coming in. And at last Tyrone himself, finding all overtures of conditional submission summarily rejected, offered "without standing upon any terms or conditions, both simply and absolutely to submit himself to her Majesty's mercy."2 This offer was contained in a letter to Montjoy, dated 22nd December, 1602.3 But though, to save appearances, and to give the overture a chance of being entertained, it was made nominally unconditional, it was not to be expected that Tyrone would really give himself up without some assurance of life and liberty; and the question which Montjoy seems to have referred to the Queen was what assurance he might give. It has been said that her dealing with this question betrayed the infirmity of age; and it is true that she did not go exactly at the pace her councillors desired. In that, however, it cannot be said that she was unlike herself: and to me it seems that she was never more like herself than in the management of the whole matter. For as the time which passed before Montjoy received his answer represents the strength of her reluctance to 1 "We considered the death of the King of Spain as the most favourable event that could happen to our design; but it received so violent a shock by the death of Elizabeth as had like to have made us abandon all our hopes." Sully's Me3 Ib. p. 41. moirs. 2 Goodman's History of his own times: edited by Brewer, ii. 42. |