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Nothing remained now but to dress the wound; which was done by bringing the edges into contact, and retaining them in this situation by adhesive straps, leaving the ends of the ligatures out of the wound, and covering the whole lightly with lint.” (pp. 363, 369.) The operation was performed on the 28th November, 1816, and the wound was entirely healed, and the patient well, on the 1st January, 1817. "Case of brachial aneurism, cured by tying the subclavian artery above the clavicle, by Wright Post, M. D." This is another of the successful operations of this eminent surgeon. The subject of it a man aged twenty-seven. The tumour was situated at the upper and inner part of the arm, high up, and extending toward the axilla. The symptoms were so serious, and the aneurism increased so rapidly, that an immediate operation was ordered, and that the artery should be tied above the clavicle. The local disease was of about a month's standing; but there was a constitutional taint of lues.

The mode of proceeding was this: "An incision, commencing at the external edge of the tendon of the mastoid muscle, was carried through the integuments about three inches in length, in a direction deviating a little from a parallel line with the clavicle. This divided the external jugular vein, the bleeding from which required a ligature for its suppression; and in proceeding with the operation, three or four arterial branches were eut, which it was also necessary to secure. The subclavian artery was then sought for immediately external to the scaleni muscles, and was easily laid bare. Passing. over the artery at this place, and in contact with it, were three considerable branches of nerves, running downwards, towards the chest, from the plexus above. These were separated, and the ligature passed under the artery with great facility, by an instrument well adapted to this purpose, invented by Drs. Parish, Hartshorn, and Hewson, of Philadelphia. On tying the ligature all pulsation ceased in the limb. The edges of the wound were now brought together, and secured by suture and adhesive straps, and a light covering of lint finished the dressing." (pp. 389, 390.) The operation was performed on the 7th September, and, on the 16th October the patient was so far recovered that he went home, with the wound entirely healed, and only a few incidental symptoms remaining.

V. Morbid Anatomy. "Case of rupture of the heart, with VOL. II.-No. 111.

remarks, by Valentine Mott, M. D." This is an instructive case, illustrated by drawings, of the appearances after a sudden and unexpected death, in the left. ventricle, and the surrounding parts.

"Case of a remarkable disease in the Larynx and Trachea, by John C. Chees man, M. D." with a drawing. A boy four years old died after experiencing a difficulty in breathing for six or eight weeks, with some peculiar symptoms. The seat of the disease was in the larynx and Trachea, on which were discovered warty excrescences, or fleshy tumours very much like them.

"An extraordinary case of obstruction in the colon, by Wright Post, M. D." In the body of a person who expired in sixteen hours after an attack of what seemed to be spasmodic colic. Dissection showed that there was a stricture, or incarceration of the colon, obstructing its passage completely. This was caused in the following manner. The mesentery, near its attachment to the spine was much narrower than usual. By some unaccountable movement of the whole mass of small intestines, it had been made to encircle the colon, and falling by their weight to the lower part of the abdomen, had drawn it so tight around the large intestine as to occasion the fatal obstruction. To release, therefore, the colon from its confinement, it was necessary to raise the whole volume of small intestines forwards and upwards, and then to pass them down. behind the distended part of the colon. This removed the cause of the mischief.

VI. Physiology.

"Observations on certain causes which influence the decarbonizing function of the lungs, by Charles E. Pierson, M. D.” In this essay the author supports the hypothesis, "that there are certain circumstances affecting respiration, which subject the human system to a morbid retention of the carbon of the blood, and thereby produce derangement and disease." We should cheerfully enter into an analysis of the whole matter contained in this tract, if our limits permitted ; but, restricted as we are, we refer our readers to the original; where, if they shall not be in all respects convinced, we think they will, notwithstanding, be rewarded for the trouble of perusal.

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"Observations on the efficacy of emetics in spasmodic diseases; with an inquiry into the cause of sympathetic vomiting, by Joseph M. Smith, M. D." In this able and ingenious dissertation, Dr. S. undertakes to show the inefficacy of the com

mon method of treating the spasmodic symptoms of hysteric and epilepsy; to exhibit the superiority of emetics as antispasmodics; to inquire whether their use is not founded on the laws of the animal economy; and to notice some of the diseases in which they may be successfully employed. The views which the author takes of the animal economy evince an accuracy of observation, and a solidity of reasoning, which render his paper worthy of the special attention both of the student and of the practi

tioner.

"A dissertation on the uniform action of the absorbents, by Cornelius E. De Puy, M. D." In this well-written essay Dr. D. expresses his opinion that the absorbent vessels of the animal body continue an uniform action through every

stage of life, and in every condition of body, whether of health or disease, unless when mechanically interrupted. He maintains, that though the heart may be the primum vivens of the system, the mouths of absorbents are its true ultimum moriens; and he contends that the life which they possess within themselves maintains its ascendancy over the death of the body, until probably they are killed by the poisonous quality of its dissolving materials. The considerations urged by the author evince an original and comprehensive mind; knowing at once how to make observations and to reason upon them. We are sorry we cannot enter into the detail of his state

ments.

The reader will be fully rewarded in the perusal of the entire tract. (To be continued)

ART. 5. A Sketch of the Military and Political Power of Russia, in the year 1817. New-York. Kirk & Mercein, 8vo. pp. 203.

T is amusing, though melancholy, to Iobserve how seldom the conduct of mankind comports, not merely with their professions, but even with their honest intentions. The least variation of circumstances that deranges their preconceived plans of operation, too commonly suggests a new principle of action, whilst success itself in the course first marked out, is far from insuring an ultimate issue conformable to the original design. The characters of men are changed not only by the vicissitudes but by the gradations of their fortune. Virtuous resolves and ingenuous feelings are even more easily subdued and perverted by an uninterrupted succession of prosperous events than by the sternest oppugnation of adversity. The fable of the ecclesiastick of Salamanea and the magician exhibits a true picture of the parallel progress of ambition in the mind, and of depravity in the heart.

This divergence of purpose and practice is not less frequent in communities than in individuals. The same vacillation that distracts, and the same inconsistency that disgraces private men, are of ten seen in the councils and the policy of a government and people.

The French revolution commenced in a project of wholesome reformation in the civil and religious institutions of that country, but a vent once given to the pentup energies of a nation, their eruption could not be subjected to control. They burst forth like the imprisoned winds of Æolus, and those who had opened a pas

sage to their fury were swept away by their force. In the wreck of the monar chy and the priesthood the lower orders of society rose by the removal of an incumbent weight, and gained some portion of the power and property which had become derelict. But having now a substantial interest at stake on the turn of the contest with their deposed rulers, the security of this interest became the prime object of their consideration, and to attain it they consented to the sacrifice of those political privileges, the acquisition of which had been the principal motive of rebellion. The despotism of Napoleon was more arbitrary, and scarcely less onerous than the regime of the Bourbons. But it presented a barrier against the return of the feudal system, and any other evil was deemed compara tively tolerable. Thus was a revolution which began with the cry of “liberty and equality," completed by placing the scep tre that had been wrested from a king in the hands of an emperor! A catastrophe so repugnant to the plot sufficiently confirms our general position in regard to the termination of most human enterprises, and the nature of the causes which influence their evolution, without making the French nation accessary to the measures pursued by Buonaparte towards other states, in contravention of all the maxims which it had professed to reverence. It would, indeed, be difficult to say how far the rash and presumptuous interference of the European sove

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reigns in the affairs of France, whilst the revolution yet wore the features of a domestic reform, might warrant the subsequent departure on her part from defensive ground; or again, how far Buonaparte was himself the creature and the slave of situation. But if France set the example of violating the integrity of states, legitimate princes were not reluctant to obtain indemnities by a similar abuse of power. Let not, however, the infamy of originating this system of federative rapine be imputed to France,-it belongs to the authors of the Holy League; to the perpetrators of the partition of Poland! to Russia, Austria, and Prussia.

Much as we deride the fickleness and condemn the turpitude of the French, we see nothing to commend in the conduct of the Allies. Under the assumed title of the "Deliverers of Europe," they enlisted the sympathies of all the friends of freedom in their behalf; and when their efforts were crowned by the overthrow of Napoleon, the credulous philanthropist, was ready to exclaim,

Magnus ab integro sæclorum nascitur ordo: Jam redit et Virgo, redeunt Saturnia regna. It will be well to inquire whether these expectations have been fulfilled. In settling the political basis of Europe at the Congress of Vienna, in what instance was regard paid to legitimate rights when they came into competition with the views of profligate ambition? Where was justice or honour, or the faith of treaties observed towards any object of political jealousy or resentment? What measure was concerted that did not directly or indirectly tend to the aggrandizement of" the high contracting powers?" The divulsion of Norway from Denmark, the dismemberment of Saxony, the perpetuation of the subjection of Poland, the annexation of Holland to the Netherlands under an hereditary King, the commutation of Lucca with a branch of the Spanish Bourbons to obtain an appanage for the Ex-Empress Maria-Louisa, the abandonment of Genoa to the king of Sardinia, the surrender of the Spanish patriots to Ferdinand and the Inquisition, the immersion of Venice and Ragusa in the Austrian dominions, the secularization of the Ecclesiastical Electorates, and of a multitude of Archbishoprics, Bishoprics, and Abbeys, in favour of Bavaria, Baden, Hanover, &c. and the disfranchisement of numerous Imperial Cities, transferred to the petty Princes of Germany, are among the overt acts of this sanctimonious convention; whilst the meditated perfidy against Murat, and, as we are now inclin

ed to believe, against Buonaparte, may be classed among its unmatured atrocities, when the invasion from Elba interrupted the conclave, and suspended for a while its magnanimous deliberations. We did hope better things from those, whose recent experience of the instability of illgotten power should have taught them to curb inordinate desires. We even hoped, that laying aside cupidity for terri tories to which they had no claim, the allied sovereigns would have devised some plan for the introduction of rational liberty into the countries which rightfully belonged to them; and by voluntarily imparting what it is impossible long to withhold, have averted a struggle, to the consequences of which they can neither be blind nor indifferent. Whether the legiti mate arbitrators of Europe ever entertained, at any time, in good earnest, the idea of restoring the status quo ante bellum, should the blessing of that Heaven to which they so devoutly appealed attend their arms-and yet have suffered themselves to be seduced from their faith by the very boon they had invoked; or whether their piety was feigned, and their love of justice simulated to serve an oc casion, we shall not undertake to decide: but between their manifestos as bellige rents, and their ultimatum as pacificators; between their declarations and their deeds, a discrepancy exists which can only be accounted for on the one supposition or the other.

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Whether the actual state of things is more favourable to the future tranquility of Europe, than that condition which would have resulted from a rigid observ› ance of the rule of right, is a question, which if it could be answered in the af firmative, might well be put by the ad vocates of the Holy' Allies; though the admission of the arrangement to be beneficial, would not justify the mode in which it has been effected, nor excuse the falsification of royal promises. But if it shall appear that as little regard has been paid in the division of power to the protection of the peace of the world against unprincipled usurpation, as has been shown to the conservation of the rights of the people, and of the honour of kings, it must then be admitted, that this arbitrary allotment of population and allegiance, is as impolitic as it is immoral. That a worse tyranny has been imposed upon any nation than it endured under the domination of the French, we shall not contend-it is enough that the hopes of emancipation have been defeated. The French themselves are

perhaps the only absolute sufferers by the change of dynasties and boundaries; and possibly their regrets spring chiefly from chagrin. But in the consternation created among the European States by the menacing attitude of Napoleon, every other apprehension was absorbed; and whilst guarding with too much zeal against imminent danger from this source, both governors and governed have been wholly insensible to other occasions of alarm, which though more remote, are not less appalling. These, have not perceived in the annihilation of the supremacy of the popular will in France, the rivetting of the fetters by which they are themselves enthralled; and those have not discovered that in freeing themselves from one foreign yoke they have bowed their necks to receive another. Certain it is, however, that the only concert that prevails among the confederated princes, consists in a common endeavour to repress the expanding sentiments of their subjects; whilst there is reason to believe that in the general connivance at encroachments on the proscribed and defenceless, an inequality of acquisition has destroyed all political

balance.

The book before us, which rumour has ascribed to the pen of Sir Robert Wilson, contains some striking and interesting views of the military means and dispositions of Russia. We shall extract largely from the work, as we concur in many of the author's sentiments, both in regard to past transactions and present prospects. We do not, however, enter into all his opinions. He betrays an adulatory spirit towards Buonaparte, which in the historian of the Expedition to Egypt, is as contemptible as it is base; and expresses himself, in other respects, with a feeling of party animosity, with which we have no sympathy. He is too passionate to be candid, and too assuming to inspire confidence. Indeed his pretensions to superior skill and unlimited information, and his unparalleled audacity of assertion in cases where he can neither be confirmed nor confuted, are calculated to excite disgust. But he has often appealed to facts to fortify his arguments; and the jealousy which is daily discovering itself, among the Allies, of the constantly developing energies of Russia, shows that he is not singular either in his suspicions or his

fears.

An article of an important nature was lately published in an English ministerial paper, (we believe the Courier,) under the head of Frankfort. It has been repeatedly asserted, in the opposition prints,

that the paragraph was manufactured in London. We do not know that the charge has been denied. With this article, and the observations of the London editor, the SKETCH, &c. commences. Our author informs us that he has inserted them entire, "as the basis of that inquiry, and those reflections which fol low." It will be proper, therefore, for us to lay them before our readers.

"It seems to be necessary, that Europe danger does not and will not come from should be acquainted with her danger. The England, or from France, or from Austria. It will come from the North-from Russia. Russia is the power which is desirous of assumning the high and dictatorial attitude which France assumed under the tyranny of Buonaparte. It is on this account she did every thing in her power to prevent the intimate alliance between England and the Netherlands, by a marriage between the two families, and to connect the House of Orange with the imperial family of Russia. It is for this purpose she brought about the marriage of the King of Wurtemberg with the Dutchess of Oldenburgh. It is for this purpose she is connecting herself also by family ties with the House of Brandenburgh. It is with this view that she does not view with much displeasure the charges of foreign libellers against England, because they may tend to nation; or those constant attacks upon the weaken the esteem and respect for that great government of France, which may tend to keep up alarm and apprehension in the interior of that country. She relies upon alienating England and France from each other, by encouraging reciprocal jealousies and ill will."-Frankfort.

"We are disposed to give the Frankfort writer credit for the sincerity of his fears; but we own we do not share them, nor do we contemplate affairs in the same point of view. upon the operations and effects of family alIn the first place, he relies too much liances. The experience of all history shows us how feeble they are whenever they at all clash with any favourite plan of policy, of ambition, or aggrandizement. We know not, and care not, what influence Russia had, or whether she had any, in breaking off the intended marriage between the families of Brunswick and of Orange; because the union between the families of Brunswick and of Saxony has given perfect satisfaction to the people of this country; and surely no prince could have been selected, whose conduct could have been more highly praiseworthy than the conduct of the Prince Saxe Cobourg. The opinion we have given of the effect of marriages in general between sovereign families, will apply to the other alluded to. Wurtemberg indeed! What efmarriages the Frankfort Correspondent has fect can she produce, or what weight can she have in the scale of European policy? With respect to the charges of foreign libellers against England, we are not astonished

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Of

ously pursued by his successors.
those, Catharine the second, who possess-
ed the greatest genius, accomplished the
most. She added to her dominions, the
Crimea, Caucasus, and the country of the
Cossacks, besides a large share of Poland.
The reign of Paul was fertile in projects
and in failures.

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Alexander came to the throne," says the author of the Sketch, "with strong predilections in his favour-real personal good quali ties had gained the affections of all who approached him; and, as the pupil of La Harpe, expectation was raised high as to his capacity for government. The "Telemachus of the North" was not then inebriated with power, but, instructed in his duties by a Mentor endowed with intelligence and virtue, exercised the authority of a despotic sovereign to establish philanthropy as the basis of his throne.*

at them, because they come from notorious jacobins; nay, we are willing to go farther, and assert, that we have deserved it at their hands. We put them down, and their libels and calumnies are the natural offspring of revenge and disappointment. But we have often been surprised at the impunity and asylum that were so long afforded them. Surely no power in Europe is under greater obligations to England than the government of the Netherlands. It was the influence of this country, in a great measure, that, combining the United Provinces with the Netherlands, established the family of Orange upon a powerful throne:-one of the wisest strokes of policy that could have been devised. It seems to us to be absurd to suppose that the kingdom of the Netherlands could give into any views of aggrandizement which Russia might have, or enter into any offensive treaty with her, against France and England: for such a policy would combine both against her. And what efficacious service could Russia, so distantly situate, render her? Besides it is to be considered, that the developement of such a policy would not be viewed with indifference or inertness by Austria. And in such a state of affairs as that to which the Frankfort Correspondent alludes, it would not be difficult to find employment on the side of Turkey. But we repeat, that we consider the fears of the Frankfort Correspondent as chimerical We do not believe Russia to have any such Intentions. That, which in all former times was deemed improbable, is now not only probable, but apparent and extant. England and France have discovered it to be their interest to be firmly and cordially united; and we, perhaps, do not hazard much in affirming, that there are no two courts in Europe between whom a better understanding subsists. Austria is united to both with the Alexander had no alternative but to make same cordiality and intimacy. And now we should be glad to ask, what could any other peace with England: it was indeed the impower, or all of them together effect against plied condition of his succession. His feeland ings were in unison with his obligations, and the union of Great Britain, Austria, France? The peace of Europe is not likely he profited by the improvement of his finances, to bring into action many sources of to be soon disturbed. No power has any motive in disturbing it; all have powerful wealth and strength which had been heretofore unemployed. motives in preserving it."-London.

Qui s'excuse s'accuse, says our author. And certainly a similar inference may be drawn from this officious defence of Řussia, and the evident anxiety to prove her as incapable of harm as innocent of meditating it.

The author of the Sketch affects to regret the agitation of this question; but since it has been made a theme of discussion he promises to investigate it dispassionately, and to demonstrate "that the folly of the provocation is augmented by the total want of means to sustain the challenge." To this end he takes a brief review of the Russian European history; which is sufficiently familiar to all politicians, without this recapitulation. The plans of Peter the great have been assidu

An enemy to the costly vanities of some of his predecessors, he regulated the expenses of his palaces with economy, and applied his treasures to the foundation of useful establishments, the promotion of useful public works, the equipment of his arsenals, and the augmentation of his army-Temperate, active, and indefatigable, he transacted the business of government through direct correspondence of personal superintendence; and, familiar with the statistics, topography, and interests of the various people inhabiting his extensive empire, ho cherished the general prosperity by a polity adapted to the wants of each and all.

"Such was Alexander: the same fidelity of description shall represent him as he is; since the individual character of an autocrat, whose will is the only professed principle of government, must always have paramount influence on the measures of his cabinet.

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"Notwithstanding a never-ceasing wasteful expenditure of men and money on the Persian and Moldavian frontiers, his dock-yards were constantly adding to his navy, and his depots advancing newly-formed battalions.

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Involved, as an ally of Austria, in the disaster of the battle of Austerlitz, (a battle precipitately resolved on, and lost, it may be truly said, before the combat began, by an injudicious flank movement,) Alexander himself perhaps was the only man of his army who did not descend the Carpathian mountains despairing to retrieve the mis fortunes and disgrace of that campaign. Exertions were multiplied according to the exigency; and when Napoleon passed the

* Vide the Ukases, respecting the condition of the slaves-their non-transfer by sale from the land-the abolition of the punishment of death-the rare pun ishment of the knoot, &c. &c.

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