OF THE

TRUE GREATNESS

OF

THE KINGDOM OF BRITAIN.

TO KING JAMES.

THE greatness of kingdoms and dominions in bulk and territory doth fall under measure and demonstration that cannot err: but the just measure and estimate of the forces and power of an estate is a matter than the which there is nothing among civil affairs more subject to error, nor that error more subject to perilous consequence. For hence may proceed many inconsiderate attempts and insolent provocations in states that have too high an imagination of their own forces and hence may proceed, on the other side, a toleration of many grievances and indignities, and a loss of many fair opportunities, in states that are not sensible enough of their own strength. Therefore, that it may the better appear what greatness your majesty hath obtained of God, and what greatness this island hath obtained by you, and what greatness it is, that by the gracious pleasure of Almighty God you shall 'eave and transmit to your children and generations

:

as the first founder; I have thought good, as far as I can comprehend, to make a true survey and representation of the greatness of this your kingdom of Britain ; being for mine own part persuaded, that the supposed prediction, Video solem orientem in occidente, may be no less true a vision applied to Britain, than to any other kingdom of Europe; and being out of doubt that none of the great monarchies which in the memory of times have risen in the habitable world, had so fair seeds and beginnings as hath this your estate and kingdom; whatsoever the event shall be, which must depend upon the dispensation of God's will and providence, and his blessings upon your descendents. And because I have no purpose vainly or assentatorily to represent this greatness as in water, which shews things bigger than they are, but rather as by an instrument of art, helping the sense to take a true magnitude and dimension: therefore I will use no hidden order, which is fitter for insinuations than sound proofs, but a clear and open order: first by confuting the errors or rather correcting the excesses of certain immoderate opinions, which ascribe too much to some points of greatness which are not so essential, and by reducing those points to a true value and estimation: then by propounding and confirming those other points of greatness which are more solid and principal, though in popular discourse less observed: and incidently by making a brief application, in both these parts, of the general principles and positions of policy unto the state and condition of these your kingdoms.

Of these the former part will branch itself into these articles:

First, That in the measuring or balancing of great

ness, there is commonly too much ascribed to largeness of territory.

Secondly, That there is too much ascribed to treasure or riches.

Thirdly, That there is too much ascribed to the fruitfulness of the soil, or affluence of commodities. And fourthly, That there is too much ascribed to the strength and fortifications of towns or holds.

The latter will fall into this distribution :

First, That true greatness doth require a fit situation1 of the place or region.

Secondly, That true greatness consisteth essentially in population and breed of men.

2

Thirdly, That it consisteth also in the valour and military disposition of the people it breedeth: and in this, that they make profession of arms.

Fourthly, That it consisteth in this point, that every common subject by the poll be fit to make a soldier, and not only certain conditions or degrees of men. Fifthly, That it consisteth in the temper of the govern

ment fit to keep subjects in heart and courage, and not to keep them in the condition of servile vassals. And sixthly, That it consisteth in the commandment of the sea.

And let no man so much forget the subject propounded, as to find strange that here is no mention of religion, laws, policy. For we speak of that which is

1 Originally "consisteth much in the natural and fit situation," &c., cor. rected in Bacon's hand.

2 "Militarie" in MS.: a third instance in correction of my note, Part I. p. 45. Compare pp. 69, 76 of this Part. It would seem that Bacon used the form military in his earlier works, and militar in his later.

proper to the amplitude and growth of states, and not of that which is common to their preservation, happiness, and all other points of well-being.

First, therefore, touching largeness of territories, the true greatness of kingdoms upon earth is not without some analogy with the kingdom of heaven, as our Saviour describes it: which he doth resemble, not to any great kernel or nut, but to one of the least grains, but yet such a one as hath a property to grow and spread. For as for large countries and multitude of provinces, they are many times rather matters of burden than of strength, as may manifestly appear both by reason and example. By reason thus: There be two manners of securing of large territories: the one by the natural arms of every province; and the other by the protecting arms of the principal estate, in which case commonly the provincials are held disarmed. So are there two dangers incident unto every estate; foreign invasion, and inward rebellion. Now such is the nature of things, that those two remedies of estate do fall respectively into these two dangers, in case of remote provinces. For if such an estate rest upon the natural arms of the provinces, it is sure to be subject to rebellion or revolt; if upon protecting arms, it is sure to be weak against invasion: neither can this be avoided. Now for examples proving the weakness of states possessed of large territories, I will use only two, eminent and selected. The first shall be of the kingdom of Persia, which extended from Egypt inclusive unto Bactria and the borders of the East India, and yet nevertheless was over-run and conquered in the space of seven years, by a nation not much bigger than this isle of Britain, and

newly grown into name, having been utterly obscure till the time of Philip the son of Amyntas. Neither was this effected by any rare or heroical prowess in the conqueror, as is vulgarly conceived (for that Alexander the Great goeth now for one of the wonders of the world); for those that have made a judgment grounded upon reason of estate, do find that conceit to be merely popular. For so Livy pronounceth of him, Nihil aliud quam bene ausus vana contemnere. Wherein he judgeth of vastness of territory as a vanity that may astonish a weak mind, but no ways trouble a sound resolution. And those that are conversant attentively in the histories of those times, shall find that this purchase which ́Alexander made and compassed was offered by fortune twice before to others, though by accident they went not through with it; namely, to Agesilaus, and Jason of Thessaly. For Agesilaus, after he had made himself master of most of the low provinces of Asia, and had both design and commission to invade the higher countries, was diverted and called home upon a war excited against his country by the states of Athens and Thebes, being incensed by their orators and counsellors, which were bribed and corrupted from Persia, as Agesilaus himself avouched pleasantly, when he said That an hundred thousand archers of the kings of Persia had driven him home: understanding it, because an archer was the stamp upon the Persian coin of gold. And Jason of Thessaly, being a man born to no greatness, but one that made a fortune of himself, and had obtained by his own vivacity of spirit, joined with the opportunities of time, a great army compounded of voluntaries and adventurers, to the terror of all Græcia, that continually expected where that cloud would fall,