The point important to be considered was what were likely to be the effects of the measure thus happily hit off. The Honourable Gentlemen here vapoured a great deal, and asked triumphantly, what they had to offer by whom the present measure was objected to? To this it might be sufficient to answer, that they who objected to a measure were not therefore bound to be provided with a better in its room. It was enough if they could reasonably presume that a better might be provided. But he was willing to go further, and having frequently stated what his own ideas were, to compare those ideas with what was now adopted. Your ideas, said the Honourable Gentlemen, are merely negative: they are nothing at all. They would do well to ask, before they pressed that topick, if their own plan were stripped of its negative merits, how much of it would remain? The negative merits of the plan, the house would recollect, were all that the Honourable Gentlemen insisted upon. The plan was good, because it abolished the ballot, because it reduced the militia, because it removed competition, because it limited the bounties. So it certainly was and so equally, and on the very same accounts, was the plan opposed to it.

All the ideas aboveenumerated, the Honourable Gentlemen would recollect, were ours as well as theirs; and, what was not less to the purpose, were ours long before they were theirs, and when in truth they were made a matter of reproach to those who held them. There was nothing on these points, therefore, in which one plan differed from the other. The

great advantage which we had was, that with us all was negative, and that in addition to the rest that we got rid of, we got rid of the Honourable Gentlemen's scheme of fining parishes, and recruiting by parishofficers. It was curious, therefore, to hear the Right Honourable Gentlemen calling upon us. to know what were our ideas, and what we had to propose in the room of what we objected to. We were in the situa tion of a man who, having been stripped of all he had, is asked by the robber where his money was, Where is my money? he would say: why, in your pocket. Where were our ideas? why in the Honourable Gentleman's bill. He must not be understood to mean, however, that in claiming these ideas for himself and his Honourable Friends, he would be willing to take them such as they had now become in the hands of those who had lately had possession of them. The Honourable Gentleman had made them his own by the manner in which he had treated them. He must say with the Roman epigrammatist,

Quam recitas mens est, ô Fidentine, libellus :
Sed malè cum recitas incipit esse tuus.

The opinion seemed to be, that nothing could be good, that was not attended with considerable inconvenience. It was like the fancy of some sportsmen, that a gun could not carry its shot well, if it did not kick a little,-did not make itself felt upon the shoulder. The Honourable Gentlemen could not persuade themselves, that means might be at once both easy and efficacious. Their notions were those of the

countryman, who came to London to have his tooth drawn when the operation had been performed with. great ease and address, and he was called upon to pay half-a-guinea, half-a-guinea, says he! why, in our town, for a quarter of the money I have been pulled round the room.

He wished the Honourable Gentlemen did not despise so much plans which might otherwise be good, merely because they did not happen to be of great show and bulk, did not form a justum volumen. It was as possible for a measure of little display and parade to be worth something, as it was for one of a contrary description to be good for nothing. Of the latter position the present bill would probably furnish an example. Nothing was ever worse calculated to answer its purpose, in whatever view it was considered. As operating upon the military spirit of the country, its effect would be that of wet sand upon ‘a fire Nothing could be devised more injurious to the real military feeling of a country than a great home army. To separate military distinction from danger, was the very receipt which any one would recommend who wished to enfeeble and relax the respect felt for the profession and character of a soldier.

But setting aside these more general considerations, and viewing the measure merely with reference to its more direct objects, and as a means of obtaining men, it was in his opinion hardly less objectionable. The part of the population of the country who could be induced at all to engage in military life, might be distinguished into three classes, viz. those who would

enter into a militia or home-army, if such existed, but would in no case be prevailed upon to engage for general service; those who would engage for general service, were the opportunity afforded them, but would otherwise not enter at all; a class less numerous probably than the former, but by no means so little as was commonly supposed; and thirdly, those who being bent at all events upon a military life, would enter as soldiers in one way or another, into the regular army, if there were no other species of force, or among the troops for home service, if there were no such thing as a regular army. It was not meant to be contended, that by having a force of both descriptions, more men would not be gained than if the choice were limited to either service separately. This must of necessity be so, if men were found under each of the classes above-enumerated. But the question was, in which way would more,men be gained to the regular army? And here it was evident, that in the first instance the comparison was wholly against

us.

Those who would engage for regular service, and in no other, we should have on either supposition. Those whom nothing could induce to engage in regular service, we must with respect to the regular service be deprived of on either supposition. But of those who being determined to become soldiers, would at all events engage in one service, whatever that might be, were the other not offered to their choice, all who would now engage in home service, of whom the number could not be considered as small, would

be so much clear loss. While we gained in number of men, we should lose in number of real soldiers.

By

This was strictly the result of the comparison of the two cases, namely,, that of our having a regular army only, or a regular army combined with such a one as was now proposed, with respect to all those who should enter at any one time. All the men who should so enter must be found in one or other of the classes above-enumerated. But he would not dissemble, meaning to argue the question perfectly fairly, that a further advantage was proposed by this plan, namely, that of changing one of these classes gradually into another, and of converting those who originally would have consented only to serve at home into persons who would engage for general service. tempting them into the army at first upon easier terms, it was thought that habit would do the rest, and that they would be led finally to engage their services to the full extent required. This, undoubtedly, in many instances would happen, though less generally probably than seemed to be supposed; because it must not be inferred, that those who might be induced to extend their term would necessarily be inclined to change their service. But against this number, whatever it might be, must be set off, in whole or in part, those, who being originally decided against general service might, by degrees, have been led to engage in it, if a service of another kind had not interposed to intercept their inclinations, and finally to fix their choice for home-service only. At all events, he must enter his protest against the conclusion, that all who