in general, are disposed to relax in their fiscal arrangements. Nothing can be a greater evidence that he courted popularity less than he consulted the public interests, and nothing more satisfactory than the substantial proof of confidence given by the monied interest in the terms of the loan.* The Treasury influence was not exerted at the general election, but the people were left to depute their representatives, by their own free and voluntary choice. By this fair appeal to the unbiassed suffrage of the country, Mr. Addington left his actions .to speak for themselves. The event fully justified the intergity of his motives, and the new Parliament stamped with its consent, the most important measures of his subsequent adminis

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The speech of Mr. Addington on the occasion alluded to above, is a complete refutation of all the noisy arguments urged against the vigilance of ministers. I am convinced," _". said he," that by prudence and vigilant economy, (respecting which, however, I make no professions, desiring only to be judged of by my conduct, that by a firm and temperate system, we may promise to ourselves security and comfort. The evils of war, 1 hope, have ceased to operate on us. This consideration, however, should not induce us to forget the maxime of our true policy, I mean not that we should follow a system of jealousy, but I do recommend a well directed and well' regulated system of prudence and caution." Sec Debates, April 6, 1802.

tration, without a division, or by the concurrent votes of powerful majorities. I am aware that the natural inference hitlierto deduced from this circumstance, has been lately disputed in a pamphlet written by Mr. Robert Ward, member of parliament for the goodly town of Cockermouth; wherein he does not scruple to declare a majority in Parliament is "a vain illusion, a very phantom of hope, and that it does not follow because members have voted, that, therefore, they have approved.*" Doubtless, his constituents will, at the next election, express their profound obligations to him, for the introduction of this new precedent into the law of Parliament. But, Sir, being one of the old English School, and, therefore, execrating every jacobinical principle, though wearing the mask of loyalty to cover the struggles of faction; and having that gentleman's own au thority, for imputing his want of knowing better, to his ignorance, I affirm, that the voice of a majority in Parliament, is to be received as the true opinion of those who pronounce it; that it

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See view of the relative situations of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Addington, p. 23, 24, 31.

See former note,

is the only legitimate test of public opinion, and that a different doctrine would invalidate -the necessity of Parliament itself, would allow of open rebellion, and lead to the final over throw of our constitution. The country dis owns the principle, and spurns it back with indignation.

In the midst of the multiplied embarrassments with which the present ministers had to contend, they were also not inattentive to those abuses which had been suffered to creep into our public establishments. Useful and prudent reforms were meditated, and several put into a train of execution; not such rash and chimerical reforms, as would shake the whole fabric of the state in their progress; but, such as were calculated to rectify the mismanagement of its affairs, to repair its dilapidations, and to remove the rubbish by which it was surrounded. Among a number of other facts, I cannot refrain from citing the support of Mr. Newbolt's Bill for the relief of the necessitous poor; the project of selling crown lands for the purpose of liquidating civil list arrears; the appointment of the West India commissioners; the fair and accurate digest of the amount and state of the civil list, most ably drawn up by Mr. Hiley Addington

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and Mr. N. Vansittart, and the immediate liquidation of its debts; the consolidation of the old and new sinking funds, for the reduction of the national debt; the clergy residence bill, a matter of more infinite importance to the moral and religious improvement of the people, (points which had been too much neglected by their predecessors) than is generally perceived; the lottery regulation, whereby an effectual check was interposed to the ruinous practice of low insurance; and the profit to the revenue from the Lottery contract itself was great beyond example, exceeding former gains by more than one hundred thousand pounds. If I have neglected to include points of greater apparent magnitude, it is because they are more familiar to the mind; and those I have mentioned, are remarkable for their moral and benevolent tendency, and happy effects on the manners of the people. If public morality be an important branch of legislation, it has not been overlooked during Mr. Addington's ministry..

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There are, however, a few remaining points of internal policy, which I have reserved for a sepa rate commentary, on account of the diversity of opinions to which they gave rise during the late administration. I allude to the suspension of

the Habeas Corpus act, and those acts, com monly known under the name of the Grenville Bills. It is a received opinion that the wisdom, vigour, and courage of the late ministers saved this country from tumbling into the anarchy of revolution; and that to them alone, the present administration were indebted for the domestic tranquillity which the country enjoyed soon after they came into power, I admit the premises, but DENY THE INFERENCE..

Nothing can be further from my intention, than to derogate from the courageous resistance which the late ministers opposed to the pestilential doctrines of Jacobinism; or to dispute their claims to the gratitude of every sound-hearted Englishman, for the effectual restraints which they imposed on sedition. But, Sir, it is one thing to chain the fiend of anarchy, and another to extirpate it. Severe as the blows were which you and your colleagues inflicted on the constitution of our country; yet, with the solemnity of truth do I acknowledge their necessity. But, permit me to put this plain question to you and them; as men of honour, do you believe, that if you had remained in office, you could by any human means short of the sword, have succeeded in extinguishing those obnoxious principles? I call

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