of praise for the promptitude and vigor with which their conduct was recently marked."

The long struggle of the British empire was thus brought to an honourable termination, We had taken up arms in defence of our religi, on, laws, and venerable constitution, which the treaty of Amiens most effectually secured, as appears from the high minded spirit, gener rous ardour, and unanimity of the people at the present day.

It would occupy too large a portion of this letter, were I to enter upon a subject which has been debated in the two houses of parliament, but which gave universal satisfaction to all de scriptions of men, The country had long age laid aside those romantic potions relative to a glorious peace, which it had entertained at the commencement of the war, but which, the late ministers, by their projet at Lisle, had taught them to reject as impolitic. A solid peace was, therefore, the extent of our ambition-a peace of security which should shield our country from the exterminating furies of jacobinism, while it preserved undiminished, her indepen dence, and the lustre of her name. Happily, the natural disposition of the present ministry coincided with the public wishes; and having,

*

from the hour of their acceptance of office, evidently studied to render their administration agreeable to the feelings of their countrymen'; nothing that could gratify the ostentation of vanity was expected from them. As they had never blustered there was not the least appre hension that they would be servile; but, on the contrary, it was the general opinion, that under their direction, the British Lion would never crouch to France, or relegate an inch of that superabundant soil on which he had pastured before the war. I affirm, therefore, without the fear of contradiction, that all reasonable men, who had the welfare of their country more at heart than their own selfish views, had made up their minds to hear of the cession of all our conquests obtained during the war, and to hope that the conclusion of the definitive treaty, would not be on worse terms than those proposed or discussed by the negociators at Lisle. They were not disappointed in their hopes-and they were agreeably surprised when they discovered that under much greater disadvantages, the conditions of the treaty of Amiens were better. The Corsican indeed, acquired the temporary reputation of having made a glorious peace; but we obtained, what was far more desi

rable, the lasting conviction that we had made a Has not the event fully confirmed

secure one.

this fact? For, what is glory contradistinguished from security? Take the answer from the favourite Poet of our island, who knew better, perhaps, than any other man, the views, and circuit of human thoughts and actions.

Glory is like a circle in the water,
Which never ceaseth to enlarge itself,

"Till by broad spreading it disperse to nought*.

Security, on the contrary, is freedom from injury. Which of the two is the most to be coveted? Let us not be deceived by words. It has been asserted that the treaty of Amiens laid open the Continent to the gripe of the French tyrant. The admission of the principle will not serve the cause of the Grenville faction; for what glory or what advantage is there in possessing the power of dictation over those by whom we are hated? What augmentation of strength can a tyrant derive from the tears and groans of those who hourly deplore the loss of that freedom which he has wrested from them? What is extensive empire but extensive weakness,

Shakspeare, Henry VI.

when the government is destitute of probity and benevolence, and the wretched people are im poverished, and devoid of public feeling? No community can be said to enjoy either tranquillity or security, when legions of tinselled exactors are at hand to wrest their property and persons, at the nod of a merciless despot. I see neither triumph nor glory in ruling over the shadows of cities, and the images of nations. But, in order to impose on us by swelling the greatness of Bonaparte, you stated what we knew as well as yourself, that the Italian Republic, Parma, Placentia, and a long catalogue of names had been added to his titles or to his influence. But when was it known in the history of nations, that accessions of titles conferred power? The basest and vilest purpled incendiaries and tyrants of Rome, in snuffing up the incense of sounding titles, liberally bestowed on them by their servile senates and armies, found their imperial thrones tottering under them, and trembled for their lives, even in their capital. Nay, the last of the sceptered sovereigns of imperial Rome, beheld the mighty fabric, which had cost so many ages to consolidate, vanish before his eyes, while he was approached as the master of the world, and invoked by the names of almost

I

all its known countries. To this day, the grand Seignor is called Lord of the Sea, and some of his slaves may believe him to be such, though a small English squadron could soon convince them to the contrary. When Philip 11. of Spain threatened us with his Invincible Arinada, he was master of Spain, the Indies, Italy, the Low Countries, Naples, and influenced the rest of civilized Europe-yet England alone, without reckoning Scotland and Ireland as portions of her empire, blasted all his projects, and hurled vengeance on his shores.

NOT,

Let us hear no more of these verbal misapprehensions, circulated solely for the purpose of deception. The Treaty of Amiens DID NOT, COULD deliver the Continent into the hands of Bonaparte. We could not surrender what we did not possess; we could not save what was already lost; we could not rescue from France what had been voluntarily ceded to her by weakness and timidity. The most competent judges of the interests of the Continent, are the several governments of the Continent. Did they resist these usurpations of the Corsican P-They had all become his supplicants; they viewed his outrageous career with immoveable apathy; and, as if they wished us to understand that our in