enemy continued with unalterable perseverance, while it confirmed the character of the British Navy, afforded a period of security, to mature and consolidate the measures for our internal defence. The expence of these measures has been strongly objected to; but they who reason thus, are not aware of the disparity between such an expence for a purpose acknowledged to be useful, and the sums squandered on wasteful and -fruitless expeditions, or lavished in subsidizing foreign potentates to fight their own battles. It has, besides, this additional advantage, that the monies thus expended, return into circulation within the kingdom.

Without intending the least disrespect to our regular force, or the Militia, which on every account I honour, I do most solemnly avow with the sincerity of a death bed declaration, that, being thoroughly acquainted with the discipline and strength of the Invader; having had opportunities of seeing the military forces of every power in Europe; and of deriving experience from actual service in the face of an enemy; I look upon the volunteers, as they are supported by our regular cavalry and artillery, to be fully adequate to our defence, even if all the rest of our forces were on foreign service. To

them, therefore in the event of invasion, I confide the ultimate safety of our country.

Surely they who can laugh and jeer at such an institution, are not the most proper persons to be entrusted with its direction. I never heard in the history of the world, that men fought well or fought at all, under leaders who told them before they went into action, that they were

an armed rabble," fit only to "consume provisions," "to choak up roads," who "can never rally" or who will be "killed off, if they were to attempt it, "* They who thus insult half a million of the most public-spirited and respectable of their countrymen, in point of rank, worth and property, must have the assurance of ancient Pistol himself, or consider them as the basest and most grovelling worms that crawl upon the earth, to suppose that they will be instrumental in raising their defamers into power. I have heard of a machine called the thermometer of merit, invented by a fraternity of Dampers and Puffers, (into which you appear to have been initiated) by which, at one glance of the eye, they can give every man's altitude to a minute. Accordingly,

See Mr. Windham's speeches in 1803. and 4. Also Cobbett's Pol. Reg. Sep, 17th. "I despise the rabble of volunteers."

*

as every individual rises on the scale, their de pressing power is to counteract and balance his 'ascending powers: this is laid on more or less forcibly according to his degree of ascension; and this is always done with reasonable allowance for the re-action of elastic bodies, so that it is necessary to bring him some degrees below the stan dard, lest he should mount above it, when the press is taken off. This process belongs to the Damper's office, and it seems to have been applied with uncommon assiduity, to the measures of Mr. Addington, as well as to the spirit of the people. But, when a man is heavy in ballast, and his sinking powers fall below the freezing point, which may happen to noble lords as well as other men, the Puffers blow him up by mere strength of lungs; for which function, the great bellows of Dr. Lawrence seems admimirably adapted. The Puffers also have bursts of applause and peals of laughter in petto, which though they never reach vulgar ears, serve the purpose effectually. In this way Messrs. Windham, Canning, & Co. display their virtues, talents, and patriotism.

"

But, these are not the only grounds why people should desire the exclusion of the cabal. Their unprincipled manner of conducting the last war, proves that they would be wholly un

fit to conduct the present. Ever at variance with their principles and professions, their conduct betrayed all the symptoms of a tortuous policy. They entered into, alliances, they purchased the co-operation of many sovereigns, or, in clearer language, they put up the profits of our industry to auction; and sold them to the first bidder. The nature of these alliances, implied a common understanding between the contracting parties respecting their operations. Although from the nature of every contract wherein sa specific object is in view, the agents may be at liberty to pursue whatever means each may deem most expedient, yet, the end itself must never be abandoned. Their actions ought to be considered as so many lines converging into a a single point. It is clear, therefore, that we had a right to expect consistency in this respect. The motives of the war were grand, just, and good. But, instead of impressing upon France that the war was against the principles of her tyrants, and not against France herself, they acted and suffered others to act, as if they wished to inspire her with opposite sentiments.*

* Immediately after the reduction of Condé, the prince of Saxe-Cobourg published a proclamation, in which he proposed

But, without enlarging upon these topics, the military policy of that war betrayed the grossest ignorance and absurdity. The most important theatre for military operations, the district of La Vandee, was regarded with callous indifference; and our strength and treasure were wasted in besieging the fortified towns in Flanders; a mode of warfare, which old Marshal Scomberg had long ago compared to attacking the bull by the horns. The heart bleeds at the idea of what might have been done by a British army of 40,000 men in support of the Royalists, wickedly, basely, cowardly, and cruelly abandoned. The most honest men in France in arms, against the very principles with which we were at war, were suffered to be led to the scaffold in heaps, or slaughtered by the unsparing sword. What op portunities did the late ministers suffer to escape

to the French nation as the condition of peace, the constitution, of 1789. At the congress holden at Antwerp, the late ministers caused it to be revoked, and declared that the Prince had exceeded the limits of his powers. Here began the departure from the principle of the war. Lord Hood took possession of Toulon in trust for the French King, and the Constitution of 1791; Valenciennes capitulated to the British arms, and was taken possession of by us in the name of the Emperor of Germany. We summoned Dunkirk, not as at Toulon in trust for the King, not as at Valenciennes, for the Emperor, but, for our