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be looked at again; or, in other words, to be written again, for that is generally the end of it. I entreat you, my friends, not to condemn me for ever to grind in the mill of mathematical calculations allow me some time for philosophical speculations, my only delight."

He was very seldom able to afford the expense of maintaining an assistant, and was forced to go through most of the drudgery of his calculations by himself; and the most confirmed and merest arithmetician could not have toiled more doggedly than Kepler did in the work of which we are about to speak. In order that the language of his astronomy may be understood, it is necessary to mention briefly some of the older theories. When it had been discovered that the planets did not move regularly round the earth, which was supposed to be fixed in the centre of the world, a mechanism was contrived by which it was thought that the apparent irregularity could be represented, and yet the principle of uniform motion, which was adhered to with superstitious reverence, might be preserved. This, in its simplest form, consisted in supposing the planet to move uniformly in a small circle, called an epicycle, the centre of which moved with an equal angular motion in the opposite direction round the earth. The circle Dd, described by D, the centre of the epicycle, was called the deferent. For instance, if the planet was supposed to be at A when the centre of the epicycle was at D, its

E

position, when the centre of the epicycle had removed to d, would be at p, found by drawing dp parallel to D A. Thus, the angle a dp, measuring the motion of the planet in its epicycle, would be equal

* By "the opposite direction" is meant, that while the motion in the circumference of one

circle appeared, as viewed from its centre, to be from left to right, the other, viewed from its centre,

appeared from right to left. This must be understood whenever these or similar expressions are repeated.

to DE d, the angle described by the centre of the epicycle in the deferent. The angle pEd between Ep, the direc tion in which a planet so moving would be seen from the earth, supposed to be at E, and Ed the direction in which it would have been seen had it been mov

ing in the centre of the deferent, was called the equation of the orbit, the word equation, in the language of astronomy, signifying what must be added or taken from an irregularly varying quantity to make it vary uniformly.

As the accuracy of observations increased, minor irregularities were discovered, which were attempted to be accounted for by making a second deferent of the epicycle, and making the centre of a second epicycle revolve in the circumference of the first, and so on, or else by supposing the revolution in the epicycle not to be completed in exactly the time in which its centre is carried round the deferent. Hipparchus was the first to make a remark by which the geometrical repre sentation of these inequalities was considerably simplified. In fact, if EC be taken equal to p d, Cd will be a parallelogram, and consequently Cp equal to E d, so that the machinery of the first deferent and epicycle amounts to supposing that the planet revolves uniformly in a circle round the point C, not coincident with the place of the earth. This was consequently called the excentric theory, in opposition to the former or concentric one, and was received as a great improvement. As the point dis not represented by this construction, the equation to the orbit was measured by the angle CpE, which is equal to pEd. It is not necessary to give any account of the manner in which the old astronomers determined the magnitudes and positions of these orbits, either in the concentric or excentric theory, the present object being little more than to explain the meaning of the terms it will be necessary to use in describing Kepler's investigations.

To explain the irregularities observed in the other planets, it became necessary to introduce another hypothesis, in adopting which the severity of the principle of uniform motion was somewhat relaxed. The machinery consisted partly of an excentric deferent round E, the earth, and on it an epicycle, in which the planet revolved uniformly; but the centre of the epicycle, instead of revolving uniformly round C, the centre of the deferent,

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as it had hitherto been made to do, was supposed to move in its circumference with an uniform angular motion round a third point, Q; the necessary effect of which supposition was, that the linear motion of the centre of the epicycle ceased to be uniform. There were thus three points to be considered within the deferent; E, the place of the earth; C, the centre of the deferent, and sometimes called the centre of the orbit; and Q, called the centre of the equant, because, if any circle were described round Q, the planet would appear to a spectator at Q, to be moving equably in it. It was long uncertain what situation should be assigned to the centre of the equant, so as best to represent the ir regularities to a spectator on the earth, until Ptolemy decided on placing it (in every case but that of Mercury, the observations on which were very doubtful) so that C, the centre of the orbit, lay just half way in the straight line, joining Q, the centre of equable motion, and E, the place of the earth. This is the famous principle, known by the name of the bisection of the excentricity.

The first equation required for the planet's motion was thus supposed to be due to the displacement of E, the earth, from Q, the centre of uniform motion, which was called the excentricity of the equant: it might be represented by the angle d EM, drawing E M parallel to Qd; for clearly M would have been the place of the centre of the epicycle at the end of a time proportional to D d, had it moved with an equable angular motion round E instead of Q. This angle d EM, or its equal Ed Q, was called the equation of the centre (i. e. of the centre of the epicycle); and is clearly greater than if E Q, the excentricity of the equant, had been no greater than E C, called the excentricity of the orbit. The second equation was measured by the angle subtended at E by d, the centre of the epicycle, and p the

planet's place in its circumference: it was called indifferently the equation of the orbit, or of the argument. In order to account for the apparent stations and retrogradations of the planets, it became necessary to suppose that many revolutions in the latter were completed during one of the former. The variations of latitude of the planets were exhibited by supposing not only that the planes of their deferents were oblique to the plane of the ecliptic, and that the plane of the epicycle was also oblique to that of the deferent, but that the inclination of the two latter was continually changing, although Kepler doubts whether this latter complication was admitted by Ptolemy. In the inferior planets, it was even thought necessary to give to the plane of the epicycle two oscillatory motions on axes at right angles to each other.

The astronomers at this period were much struck with a remarkable connexion between the revolutions of the superior planets in their epicycles, and the apparent motion of the sun; for when in conjunction with the sun, as seen from the earth, they were always found to be in the apogee, or point of greatest distance from the earth, of their epicycle; and when in opposition to the Sun, they were as regularly in the perigee, or point of nearest approach of the epicycle. This correspondence between two phenomena, which, according to the old astronomy, were entirely unconnected, was very perplexing, and it seems to have been one of the facts which led Copernicus to substitute the theory of the earth's motion round the sun.

As time wore on, the superstructure of excentrics and epicycles, which had been strained into representing the appearances of the heavens at a particular moment, grew out of shape, and the natural consequence of such an artificial system was, that it became next to impossible to foresee what ruin might be produced in a remote part of it by any attempt to repair the derangements and refit the parts to the changes, as they began to be remarked in any par ticular point. In the ninth century of our era, Ptolemy's tables were already useless, and all those that were contrived with unceasing toil to supply their place, rapidly became as unserviceable as they. Still the triumph of genius was seen in the veneration that continued to be paid to the assumptions of Ptolemy and Hipparchus; and even when the great reformer, Coper

nicus, appeared, he did not for a long time intend to do more than slightly modify their principles. That which he found difficult in the Ptolemaic system, was none of the inconveniences by which, since the establishment of the new system, it has become common to demonstrate the inferiority of the old one; it was the displacement of the centre of the equant from the centre of the orbit that principally indisposed him against it, and led him to endeavour to represent the appearances by some other combinations of really uniform circular motions. There was an old system, called the Egyptian, according to which Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, and the Sun circulated round the earth, the sun carrying with it, as two moons or satellites, the other two planets, Venus and Mercury. This system had never entirely lost credit: it had been maintained in the fifth century by Martianus Capella*, and indeed it was almost sanctioned, though not formally taught, by Ptolemy himself, when he made the mean motion of the sun the same as that of the centres of the epicycles of both these planets. The remark which had also been made by the old astronomers, of the connexion between the motion of the sun and the revolutions of the superior planets in their epicycles, led him straight to the expectation that he might, perhaps, produce the uniformity he sought by extending the Egyptian system to these also, and this appears to have been the shape in which his reform was originally projected. It was already allowed that the centre of the orbits of all the planets was not coincident with the earth, but removed from it by the space E C. This first change merely made EC the same for all the planets, and equal to the mean distance of the earth from the sun. This system afterwards acquired great_celebrity through its adoption by Tycho Brahe, who believed it originated with himself. It might perhaps have been at this period of his researches, that Copernicus was struck with the passages in the Latin and Greek authors, to which he refers as testifying the existence of an old belief in the motion of the earth round the sun. He immediately recognised how much this alteration would further, his principles of uniformity, by referring all the

Venus Mercuriusque, licet ortus occasusque quotidianos ostendunt, tamen eorum circuli terras omnino non ambiunt, sed circa solem laxiore ambitu circulantur. Denique circulorum suorum centron in sole constituunt.-De Nuptiis Philologiæ et Mercurii. Vicentiæ. 1499.

planetary motions to one centre, and did not hesitate to embrace it. The idea of explaining the daily and principal apparent motions of the heavenly bodies by the revolution of the earth on its axis, would be the concluding change, and became almost a necessary consequence of his previous improvements, as it was manifestly at variance with his principles to give to all the pla nets and starry worlds a rapid daily motion round the centre of the earth, now that the latter was removed from its former supposed post in the centre of the universe, and was itself carried with an annual motion round another fixed point.

The reader would, however, form an inaccurate notion of the system of Copernicus, if he supposed that it comprised no more than the theory that each planet, including the earth among them, revolved in a simple circular orbit round the sun. Copernicus was too well acquainted with the motions of the heavenly bodies, not to be aware that such orbits would not accurately represent them; the motion he attributed to the earth round the sun, was at first merely intended to account for those which were called the second inequalities of the planets, according to which they appear one while to move forwards, then backwards, and at intermediate periods, stationary, and which thenceforward were also called the optical equations, as being merely an optical illusion. With regard to what were called the first inequalities, or physical equations, arising from a real inequality of motion, he still retained the machinery of the deferent and epicycle; and all the alteration he attempted in the orbits of the superior planets was an extension of the concentric theory to supply the place of the equant, which he considered the blot of the system. His theory for this purpose is shown in the accompany- · ing diagram, where S represents the sun,

Dd, the deferent or mean orbit of the

22

planet, on which revolves the centre of the great epicycle, whose radius, DF, was taken at of Ptolemy's excentricity of the equant; and round the circumference of this revolved, in the opposite direction, the centre of the little epicycle, whose radius, FP, was made equal to the remaining of the excentricity of the equant.

The planet P revolved in the circumference of the little epicycle, in the same direction with the centre of the great epicycle in the circumference of the deferent, but with a double angular velocity. The planet was supposed to be in the perigee of the little epicycle, when its centre was in the apogee of the greater; and whilst, for instance, D moved equably though the angle DSd, F moved through h df=D Sd, and P through rfp 2 DS d.

It is easy to show that this construction gives nearly the same result as Ptolemy's; for the deferent and great epicycle have been already shown exactly equivalent to an excentric circle round S, and indeed Copernicus latterly so represented it: the effect of his construction, as given above, may therefore be reproduced in the following simpler form, in which only the smaller epicycle is retained:

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In this construction, the place of the planet is found at the end of any time proportional to Ff, by drawing fr parallel to SF, and taking rfp=2 Fof. Hence it is plain, if we take Ô Q, equal to F P, (already assumed equal to of Ptolemy's excentricity of the equant,) since SO is equal to of the same, that SQ is the whole of Ptolemy's excentricity of the equant; and therefore, that Q is the position of the centre of his equant. It is also plain if we join Qp, since rf p 2Fof, and oQ fp, that p Q is parallel to fo, and, therefore, pQP is proportional to the time; so that the planet moves uniformly about the same point Q, as in Ptolemy's theory; and if we bisect SQ

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in C, which is the position of the centre of Ptolemy's deferent, the planet will, according to Copernicus, move very nearly, though not exactly, in the same circle, whose radius is CP, as that given by the simple excentric theory.

The explanation offered by Copernicus, of the motions of the inferior planets, differed again in form from that of the others. He here introduced what was called a hypocycle, which, in fact, was nothing but a deferent not including the sun, round which the centre of the orbit revolved. An epicycle in addition to the hypocycle was introduced into In this epicycle he Mercury's orbit. was not supposed to revolve, but to librate, or move up and down in its diameter. Copernicus had recourse to this complication to satisfy an erroneous assertion of Ptolemy with regard to some of Mercury's inequalities. He also retained the oscillatory motions ascribed by Ptolemy to the planes of the epicycles, in order to explain the unequal latitudes observed at the same distance from the nodes, or intersections of the orbit of the planet with the ecliptic. Into this intricacy, also, he was led by placing too much confidence in Ptolemy's observations, which he was unable to satisfy by an unvarying obliquity. Other very important errors, such as his belief that the line of nodes always coincided with the line of apsides, or places of greatest and least distance from the central body, (whereas, at that time, in the case of Mars, for instance, they were nearly 90° asunder,) prevented him from accurately representing many of the celestial phe

nomena.

These brief details may serve to show that the adoption or rejection of the theory of Copernicus was not altogether so simple a question as sometimes it may have been considered. It is, however, not a little remarkable, while it is strongly illustrative of the spirit of the times, that these very intricacies, with which Kepler's theories have enabled us to dispense, were the only parts of the system of Copernicus that were at first received with approbation. His theory of Mercury, especially, was considered a masterpiece of subtle invention. Owing to his dread of the unfavourable judgment he anticipated on the main principles of his system, his work remained unpublished during forty years, and was at last given to the world only just in time to allow Copernicus to receive the first copy of it a few hours before his death.

CHAPTER V.

Account of the Commentaries on the motions of Mars-Discovery of the Law of the equable description of Areas, and of Elliptic Orbits.

WE may now proceed to examine Kepler's innovations, but it would be doing injustice to one of the brightest points of his character, not to preface them by his own animated exhortation to his readers. "If any one be too dull to comprehend the science of astronomy, or too feeble-minded to believe in Copernicus without prejudice to his piety, my advice to such a one is, that he should quit the astronomical schools, and condemning, if he has a mind, any or all of the theories of philosophers, let him look to his own affairs, and leaving this worldly travail, let him go home and plough his fields: and as often as he lifts up to this goodly heaven those eyes with which alone he is able to see, let him pour out his heart in praises and thanksgiving to God the Creator; and let him not fear but he is offering a worship not less acceptable than his to whom God has granted to see yet more clearly with the eyes of his mind, and who both can and will praise his God for what he has so discovered."

Kepler did not by any means underrate the importance of his labours, as is sufficiently shewn by the sort of colloquial motto which he prefixed to his work. It consists in the first instance of an extract from the writings of the celebrated and unfortunate Peter Ramus. This distinguished philosopher was professor of mathematics in Paris, and in the passage in question, after calling on his contemporaries to turn their thoughts towards the establishment of a system of Astronomy unassisted by any hypothesis, he promised as an additional inducement to vacate his own chair in favour of any one who should succeed in this object. Ramus perished in the massacre of St. Bartholomew, and Kepler apostrophizes him as follows:-" It is well, Ramus, that you have forfeited your pledge, by quitting your life and professorship together: for if you still held it, I would certainly claim it as of right belonging to me on account of this work, as I could convince you even with your own logic." It was rather bold in Kepler to assert his claim to a reward held out for a theory resting on no hypothesis, by right of a work filled with hypotheses of the most startling description; but of

the vast importance of this book there can be no doubt; and throughout the many wild and eccentric ideas to which is fit always to bear in mind that they form part of a work which is almost the basis of modern Astronomy."

we are introduced in the course of it, it

The introduction contains a curious criticism of the commonly-received theory of gravity, accompanied with a declaration of Kepler's own opinions on the same subject. Some of the most remarkable passages in it have been already quoted in the life of Galileo; but, nevertheless, they are too important to Kepler's reputation to be omitted here, containing as they do a distinct and positive enunciation of the law of universal gravitation. It does not appear, however, that Kepler estimated rightly the importance of the theory here traced out by him, since on every other occasion he advocated principles with which it is scarcely reconcileable. The discussion is introduced in the following terms:

"The motion of heavy bodies hinders many from believing that the earth is moved by an animal motion, or rather a magnetic one. Let such consider the following propositions. A mathematical point, whether the centre of the universe or not, has no power, either effectively or objectively, to move heavy bodies to approach it. Let physicians prove if they can, that such power can be possessed by a point, which neither is a body, nor is conceived unless by relation alone. It is impossible that the form of a stone should, by moving its own body, seek a mathematical point, or in other words, the centre of the universe, without regard of the body in which that point exists. Let physicians prove if they can, that natural things have any sympathy with that which is nothing. Neither do heavy bodies tend to the centre of the universe by reason that they are avoiding the extremities of the round universe; for their distance from the centre is insensible, in proportion to their distance from the extremities of the universe. And what reason could there be for this hatred? How strong, how wise must those heavy bodies be, to be able to escape so carefully from an enemy lying on all sides of

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