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AMONG the pieces collected by Gruter under the title Impetus Philosophici, the first is entitled Indicia vera de Interpretatione Naturæ. It consists of the preface to the Novum Organum (Qui de naturâ tanquam de re exploratâ &c.) which has already been printed Vol. I. p. 115.; the Partis secundæ delineatio et Argumentum ; and a small portion of the Redargutio Philosophiarum; all three printed consecutively under the same general heading, as if they had been found together in the original manuscript and formed one composition. The last (which has no separate heading, but is printed as if it were a part of the Delineatio) breaks off abruptly. But a manuscript discovered by Robert Stephens among Lord Oxford's collections, and now in the British Museum', enables us to complete it, and supplies the title. That it is the same writing there can be no doubt; for the first three or four pages of the manuscript are identical, or nearly so, with the last three or four printed by Gruter, and the whole fits perfectly into its place.

The Delineatio is a sketch of the plan of the Novum Organum, as then designed; and is interesting for three reasons. First, it contains the earliest intimation of the entire scheme of the Instauratio Magna; which Bacon had already resolved to distribute into six parts: the second to treat of the art of interpretation; the third, fourth, and sixth to exhibit the results of the art applied; and the fifth to be provisional, consisting of anticipations arrived at by the ordinary method, which were afterwards to be verified by the true method. All which agrees exactly with the design ultimately developed in the Distributio Operis. Of the first part he says nothing; perhaps because,

1 Harl. MSS. 6855.

though he had determined to introduce into it the substance of the Advancement of Learning, he had not yet settled the form; and this again agrees very well with my conjecture as to the history of the De Augmentis. Secondly, it marks a stage in the development of Bacon's philosophical theory: by comparing it with the Valerius Terminus, the Cogitata et Visa, and the Novum Organum, we learn something as to the changes which his design underwent as he worked it out (see Mr. Ellis's General Preface, Vol. I. p. 39., and Preface to Novum Organum, p. 79.). Thirdly, though it was afterwards superseded by that portion of the Distributio Operis which describes the contents of the second part of the Instauratio, it is in some places more full and particular, and the description of the Ministratio ad Rationem adds something to what we otherwise know concerning those parts of the inductive process which were to have been developed in the third book of the Novum Organum.

As to the time when it was composed, Mr. Ellis has shown in his preface to the Novum Organum that it must have been written before the Cogitata et Visa, and as there can be no doubt that it was written after the Advancement of Learning and the Valerius Terminus, it may be referred with tolerable confidence to the year 1606 or 1607.

According to the plan sketched out in it, the work was to begin with an attempt to clear the mind from impressions derived from the philosophical theories then extant and received; and with this accordingly, the sketch of the plan being completed, the work itself begins. The Redargutio Philosophiarum which follows may in fact be considered as the first chapter of the second part of the Instauratio, as it was then designed. I therefore print them together. I would not however be understood to imply thereby that they were composed at the same time. The arguments which convince Mr. Ellis that the Delineatio was written before the Cogitata et Visa apply to the Delineatio only. The Redargutio, like the second chapter of the Temporis Partus Masculus, may have been composed at a much later period than the work of which it was nevertheless. meant to form a part; and while the internal evidence proves almost conclusively that that second chapter was an earlier form of the Redargutio than this, there is a piece of external evidence which strongly inclines me to think that the idea out of which they both grew occurred to Bacon about the same time.

In my general preface to the works I have spoken of the fat apprehended about this views, and the various device vider purpose of overcoming or avg sem in or Temporis Partus Masculus I have endean me the tone of arrogance assumel in the s posing it to have been an experiment of that ant quoted two entries from the Conteru butu at ing a possible and I think not improcate expanana i L shall now quote, in connexion with the wwa mamei 2 of the same argument, the entire page in vin me ď to entries occurs. The date is July 26, 150%; ad te wh thus:

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"Ordinary discourse of plus ultra in science, se vel te intellectual globe as the material, illustrasi by deanam a

our age.

"Discoursing scornfully of the philosophy of me Galle with some better respect to the Egyptians, Perdane, Cwiese, and the utmost antiquity, and the mysteries of the prete

"Comparing the case with that which Livy eyen d le ander, Nil aliud quam bene ausus vana contemnere

"Qu. of an oration ad filios; delightful, euntime, and ni zet with elegancy, affection, novelty of conceit and yes, and superstition.

"To consider what opinions are fit to nourish tangan ansæ, and so to grift the new upon the old, ut religines we

"Ordinary course of incompetency of reason for con philosophy and invention of works, a pretty device to buy and sell with: Aditus non nisi sub persona infantia"

Now if the tenor of these notes, especially the fourth, le coupared with the noble oration supposed to be addressed to the assembled sages of Paris in the Redargutio Philosophiarum, tie connexion will appear close enough, I think, to justify we in you cluding that it was composed after July 1606; and this would accord very well with M. Bouillet's conjecture that tiir wave the manuscript sent by Bacon to Tobie Matthew in a letter dated October 10, 1609, and alluded to in the following prasugres "I send you at this time the only part which hath any harni ness. And yet I framed to myself an opinion that whowever allowed well of that preface which you so muci commend,



will not dislike, or at least ought not to dislike, this other speech of preparation. For it is written out of the same spirit and out of the same necessity. Nay it doth more fully lay open that the question between me and the ancients is not of the virtue of the race, but of the rightness of the way. And to speak truth, it is to the other but as palma to pugnus- part of the same thing, more large."

Of the matter of the oration it is not necessary to say anything, since it is all to be found either in the prefaces to the Novum Organum, or in the aphorisms of the first book. The form is peculiar to this composition, which exhibits as perfect a specimen as we have of Bacon's power as an artist and an


I have taken the text from the manuscript (which has been revised and corrected throughout by Bacon himself, and some sentences added between the lines or in the margin), except in the part which has been printed by Gruter, and which appears to have been taken from a corrected copy. For as I find that all the alterations made by Bacon in the manuscript, with only one exception, are contained in Gruter's copy, I infer that the differences between the two are due to further alterations made subsequently, and that the manuscript which Gruter had was the beginning of a fair transcript of later date. I have however given the readings of the Harleian manuscript in the notes: so that on this point the reader may judge for himself.

J. S.

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