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Our chains are forged. Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitablea—and let it come!! I repeat it, sir, let it come!!!

11. “It is in vain, sir, to extenuateb'the matter. Gentlemen may cry peace,-peace,-but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north, will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle ? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God !-I know not what course others may take; but as for me,” cried he, with both his arms extended aloft, his brows knit, every feature marked with the resolute purpose of his soul, and his voice swelled to its loudest note of exclamation,-“give me liberty, or give me death !"

12. He took his seat. No murmur of applause was heard. The effect was too deep. After the trance of a moment, several members started from their seats. The cry, “to arms," seemed to quiver on every lip, and gleam from every eye! Richard H. Lee arose and supported Mr. Henry, with his usual spirit and elegance. But his melody was lost amidst the agitation of that ocean, which the master spirit of the storm had lifted up on high. That supernatural voice still sounded in their ears, and shivered along their arteries. They heard, in every pause, the cry of liberty or death. They became impatient of speech-their souls were on fire for action.— Wirt.

SECTION VI.

Extract from 'a Discourse in Commemoration of the Lives

and Services of Johnı Adams and Thomas Jefferson, deliver. ed in Boston, 3d August, 1826.

1. In July, 1776, our controversyd with Great Britain had passed the stage of argument. An appeal had been made to force, and opposing armies were in the field. Congress then was to decide whether the tie, which had so long bound us to the parent state, was to be severed at once, and severed forever. All the colonies had signified their resolution to abide by this decision, and the people looked for it with the most intense anxiety. And surely, fellow-citizens, never, never were men called to a more important political deliberation. If we contemplate it from the point where they then

In-ev-l-ta-ble, that cannot be avoided. 1. Ex-ten-u-ate, to lessen, palliate.

c Com-mem-o-ra-tion, public celebration d Con'-tro-ver-sy, dispute, contention.

stood, no question could be more full of interest ; if we look at it now, and judge of its importance by its effects, it appears in still greater magnitude.

2. Let us, then, bring before us the assembly, which was about to decide a question thus big with the fate of empire. Let us open their doors, and look in upon their deliberations. Let us survey the anxious and care-worn countenances, let us hear the firm-toned voice of this band of patriots. HanCOCK presidesa over the solemn sitting; and one of those not yet prepared to pronounce for absolute independence, is on the floor, and is urging his reasons for dissenting from the declaration.

3. “Let us pause! This step, once taken, cannot be retracted. This resolution, once passed, will cut off all hope of reconciliation. If success attend the arms of England, we shall then be no longer colonies, with charters, and with privileges; these will all be forfeited by this act; and we shall be in the condition of other conquered people-at the mercy of the conquerors.

4. “For ourselves, we may be ready to run the hazard ; but are we ready to carry the country to that length ? Is success so probable as to justify it? Where is the military,

where the naval power, by which we are to resist the whole ī strength of the arm of England ?—for she will exert that i strength to the utmost. Can we rely on the constancyd and

perseverance of the people ? or will they not act, as the people of other countries have acted, and, wearied with a long war, submit, in the end, to a worse oppression ?

5. “While we stand on our old ground, and insist on redress of grievances, we know we are right, and are not answerable for consequences. Nothing, then, can be imputable, to us. But, if we now change our object, carry our pretensions farther, and set up for absolute independence, we shall lose the sympathy of mankind. We shall no longer be de

fending what we possess, but struggling for something which ń we never did possess, and which we have solemnly and uni.

formly disclaimedr all intention of pursuing, from the very outset of the troubles. Abandoning thus our old ground, of resistance only to arbitrary acts of oppression, the nations will believe the whole to have been mere pretense, and they will look on us, not as injured, but as ambitious subjects.

6. “I shudder before this responsibility. It will be on us, i is, relinquishing the ground we have stood on so long, and

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« Pre sides', sits over, directs.
& Re-tract'-ed, recanted, recalled.
• Chart'-ers, grants privileges.

d Con'-stan-o, fixedness, steadiness.
e Im-pu-ta-ble, that may be imputed.
f Dis-claim'-ed, disowned, disavowed

stood on so safely, we now proclaim independence, and carry on the war for that object, while these cities burn, these pleasant fields whiten and bleach with the bones of their owners, and these streams run blood. It will be upon us, it will be upon us, is, failing to maintain this unseasonable and illjudged declaration, a sterner despotism, maintained by military power, shall be established over our posterity, when we ourselves, given up by an exhausted, a harrassed, a misled people, shall have expiated: our rashness, and atoned for our presumption on the scaffold.”

7. It was for Mr. Adams to reply to arguments like these. “ It is true, indeed, that in the beginning we aimed not at independence. But there's a Divinity which shapes our ends. The injustice of England has driven us to arms; and, blinded to her interest, for our good she has obstinately persisted, till independence is now within our grasp. We have but to reach forth to it, and it is ours. Why, then, should we defer the declaration ? Is any man so weak as now to hope for a reconciliation with England, which shall leave either safety to the country and its liberties, or safety to his own life, and his own honor ?

8. “Are not you, sir, who sit in that chair ; is not he, our : venerable colleague near you; are you not both already the proscribed and predestined objects of punishment and of vengeance? Cut off from all hope of royal clemency, what are you, what can you be, while the power of England remains, but outlaws? If we postpone independence, do we mean to carry on, or to give up the war? Do we mean to submit to the measures of parliament, Boston port-bill and all? Do we mean to submit, and consent that we ourselves shall be ground to powder, and our country and its rights trodden down in the dust?

9. “I know we do not mean to submit. We never shall submit. Do we intend to violate that most solemn obligation ever entered into hy men, that plighting, before God, of our sacred honor to Washington, when, putting him forth to incur the dangers of war, as well as the political hazards of the times, we promised to adhere to him, in every extremity, with our fortunes, and our lives?

10. “I know there is not a man here, who would not rather see a general conflagratione sweep over the land, or an earthquake sink it, than one jot or tittle of that plighted faith fall to the ground. For myself, having twelve months ago, in this place, moved you, that George Washington be appoint a Ex'-pi-a-ted, atoned for.

d Clem'-en-cy, mildness of temper, b Pro-scri'-bed, doomed to destruction. e Con-fla-gration, a great fire. c Pre-des-ti-ned, predetermined.

ed commander of the forces, raised, or to be raised, for de fense of American liberty, may my right hand forget her cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if I hesitate or waver in the support I give him.

11. “ The war, then, must go on. We must fight it through. And, if the war must go on, why put off longer the declaration of independence? That measure will strengthen us. It will give us character abroad. The nations will then treat with us, which they never can do while we acknowledge ourselves subjects, in arms against our sovereign. Nay, I maintain that England herself will sooner treat for peace with us on the footing of independence, than consent, by repealing her acts, to acknowledge that her whole conduct toward us has been a course of injustice and oppression.

12. “Her pride will be less wounded by submitting to that course of things which now predestinates our independence, than by yielding the points in controversy to her rebellious subjects. The former she would regard as the result of fortune; the latter she would feel as her own deep disgrace.Why then, sir, do we not, as soon as possible, change this from a civil to a national war ? And, since we must fight it through, why not put ourselves in a state to enjoy all the benefits of victory, if we gain the victory?

13. “If we fail, it can be no worse for us.—But we shall not fail. The cause will raise up armies; the cause will create navies. The people, if we are true to them, will carry us, and will carry themselves, gloriously through this struggle. I care not how fickle other people have been found. I know the people of these colonies; and I know that resistance to British aggressiona is deep and settled in their hearts, and cannot be eradicated.b Every colony, indeed, has expressed its willingness to follow if we but take the lead.

14. “Sir, the declaration will inspire the people with increased courage. Instead of a long and bloody war for restoration of privileges, for redress of grievances, for chartered immunities held under a British king, set before them the glorious object of entire independence, and it will breathe into them anew the breath of life. Read this declaration at the head of the army; every sword will be drawn from its

scabbard, and the solemn vow uttered, to maintain it or to - pérish on the bed of honor.

15. “Publish it from the pulpit ; religion will approve it, and the love of religious liberty will cling around it, resolved to stand with it, or fall with it. Send it to the public halls; proclaim it there; let them hear it, who heard the first roar « Ag-gres'-sion, act of hostility.

0 E-rad'-i-ca-ted, rooted out

8.

of the enemy's cannon ; let them see it, who saw their brothers and their sons fall on the field of Bunker-Hill, and in the streets of Lexington and Concord, and the very walls will cry out in its support.

16.“ Sir, I know the uncertainty of human affairs; but I see clearly through this day's business. You and I, indeed, may rue it. We may not live to the time, when this declaration shall be made good. We may die; die, colonists; die, slaves; die, it may be, ignominiously,a and on the scaffold. Be it so. If it be the pleasure of Heaven that my country shall require the poor offering of my life, the victim shall be ready at the appointed hour of sacrifice, come when that hour may.

17. “ But, whatever may be our fate, be assured that this declaration will stand. It may cost treasure, and it may cost blood; but it will stand, and it will richly compensateb for 1 both. Through the thick gloom of the present, I see the brightness of the future as the sun in heaven. We shall make this a glorious, an immortal day. When we are in our graves our children will honor it. They will celebrate it with thanksgiving, with festivity, with bonfires, and illuminations.. On its annual return, they will shed tears, copious, gushing iears, not of subjection and slavery, not of agony and distress, but of exultation, of gratitude, and of joy. Sir, before God I be- 1 lieve the hour is come. My judgment approves this measure, and my whole heart is in it. All that I have in this life, I am now ready here to stake'upon it;- sink or swim, survive or perish, I am for the declaration!

D. It'ebster.

SECTION VII. Extract of a Speech of Counsellor Phillips, at a public dinner

in Ireland, on his health being given, together with that of Mr. Payne, a young American, in 1817.

1. The mention of Ainerica, sir, has never failed to fill me with the most lively emotions. In my earliest infancy,—that tender season when impressions at once the most permanent and the most powerful, are likely to be excited,—the story of her then recent struggle raised a throb in every heart that loved liberty, and wrung a reluctant tribute even from discomfited oppression.

2. I saw her spurning alike the luxuries that would enervate, and the legions that would intimidate; dashing from her lips the poisoned cup of European servitude; and, through all the vicissitudes of her protracted conflict, displaying a a Ig no-min'.ous-ly, disgracefully. Com'-pen-sate, to make amends.

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