and the resistance made by ministers to some proposed retrenchments, was by no means calculated to inspire general confidence in their government. A spirit of petitioning for a redress of obvious grievances was therefore diffused through the country, and in many places produced public meetings, at which the waste and corruption arising from pensions, sinecures, and extravagant charges of every kind, were exposed with great freedom and severity. When, however, the lower classes, irritated by their distresses, and at all times readily acted upon by bold declamation, began to take a conspicuous part in such assemblies, the superior orders, alarmed with the dread of popular commotion, found it expedient in general to stand aside, and await the result of the lessons already given, of the necessity of conciliating the people at large, by farther sacrifices of personal interests. This quiescence was doubtless promoted by the introduction at meetings for petition, among other topics, of that of parliamentary reform, so often a subject of unavailing discussion, and almost discarded as an impracticability, by the party considered as taking the lead in political improvement. Whether such an emergence as the present is a seasonable time for exciting a warm interest in the community, respecting a matter so important and difficult, we shall not enquire; but as a fact it may be stated, that the most guarded addresses for the abolition of abuses, carefully avoided that topic. On the other hand, it formed a conspicuous object in some remon

strances, especially in the address presented in December, to the Prince Regent, from the Corporation of London, which, with the answer of his Royal Highness, will be found among the State Papers, as a political document worthy of preservation.

Although assemblies in populous towns were convened for political purposes, which included the lowest and most uninstructed members of the community, yet either from their orderly disposition, or from the precautions employed by the government and magistracy, the public peace was little disturbed; and even in the metropolis, where popular meetings are peculiarly dangerous, they might have harmlessly passed over in listening to field orators, had not, on one occasion, a few desperate enthusiasts taken the advantage of collecting a mob, for the purpose of putting in exccution a daring, though absurd, insurrectionary attempt, which, for a short time, threw the whole city into alarm, and threatened serious mischief. It was, however, without any difficulty, quelled by military assistance, and the principal agents were taken into custody. (See Chronicle for December, for the particulars.) The year closed with general tranquillity through this island.

Ireland during the present year has suffered under a continuance of those disorders and atrocities, which so much prevailed in the last year, and which have rendered necessary the maintenance of an additional number of troops in that unfortunate country. parts particularly infested with these disturbances, and the state

The

of

of the island in general, will be found in Mr. Peel's report, inserted in our Parliamentary History. At the same time the people of Ireland have partaken even more than their share of the calamities proceeding from unfavourable seasons, and a deficient product of the necessaries of life, combined with commercial distresses. The situation of the country is indeed extremely melancholy, and little prospect is yet afforded of its melioration. With respect to the admittance of the Roman Catholics of Ireland to the full rights of subjects, so long and anxiously expected by them, no progress towards that event has been made in this year; nor have the different opinions among themselves, relative to the terms to be proposed for obtaining the desired concession, been brought to an agreement. In the meantime it has been resolved by both parties, not to intermit the annual practice of petitioning for the redress of their particular grievances.

In the midst of the gloom which was spread over the nation, in consequence of so many spectacles of distress, the public feelings were cheered by the disposal in marriage, to the general satisfaction, of that Princess who appears destined, at a future period, to wear the British Crown. In the choice of a partner, political alliance was wisely made no part of the consideration, and the personal merit of the individual was the deciding point. Leopold George Frederick, younger brother of the reigning Duke of Saxe

Cobourg of Saalfeld, a Prince of the Protestant branch of the House of Saxony, obtained high reputation in the war against Buonaparte, where he had a command of cavalry in the allied army; and after the surrender of Paris, in 1814, he accompanied the sovereigns on their visit to England, where he became advantageously known to the Prince Regent. The propriety of his conduct, and the solidity of his understan:ling, made a favourable impression on the court, which terminated in his being honoured with the hand of the daughter of the Regent. The nuptials between the Princess Charlotte and the Prince Leopold took place on the 2d of May, (See Chronicle.) The parliament with perfect unanimity made a liberal provision for the illustrious pair; and numerous public bodies throughout the kingdom presented addresses of cordial congratulation on the auspicious event.

Another matrimonial union in the Royal Family, though rather a domestic than a political occurrence, was greeted by the public, as affording the well-founded promise of an addition of happiness in that august House. The Princess Mary, fourth daughter of his Majesty, married in July her cousin, the Duke of Gloucester; a couple regarded, by their manners and principles, as eminently suited to the duties of domestic life. Their establishment was framed upon a scale of moderation, which rendered unnecessary any application to the public purse.

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HE general peace on the European continent has happily, during the present year, left no other employment to the British land forces in this part of the world, than that of assisting in the preservation of the external tranquillity so dearly purchased; but an unexpected circumstance has procured to the British navy the opportunity of acquiring fresh laurels of no common splendor.

It has long been a topic of reproach, which foreigners have brought against the boasted maritime supremacy of England, that the piratical states of Barbary have been suffered to exercise their ferocious ravages upon all the inferior powers navigating the Mediterranean sea, without any attempt on the part of the mistress of the ocean to control them, and reduce them within the limits prescribed by the laws of civilized nations. The spirited exertions of the United States of America in the last year, to enforce redress of the injuries they had sustained from these pirates, were calculated to excite invidious comparisons with respect to this country, and either a feeling of national glory, or some other unexplained motives, at length inspired a resolution in the British government, to engage in earnest in that task, which the general expectation seemed to assign it. ¡NOL, LVIII.

Of the original plan of operations, and the first proceedings towards putting it into execution, we are furnished with no documents from authority; but the following concise narrative is regarded as in some degree official.

Early in this spring, Lord Exmouth, the naval commander-inchief in the Mediterranean, received instructions to negociate with the Barbary powers, for treating the Ionian isles as British possessions; and also to mediate a peace between these powers and the kingdoms of Sardinia and Naples; and further, if possible, to procure a general abolition of Christian slavery in Barbary. The Dey of Algiers was first applied to, and he readily consented to consider the Ionian isles as entitled to the privileges of the British flag, and to make peace with Naples and Sardinia; but declined any overtures for the abolition of the slavery of captives. Lord Exmouth then proceeded to Tunis and Tripoly, with the Beys of which he concluded an arrangement similar to that made with Algiers, relative to the two first objects; but

with the addition of a declaration on their part, promising in future not to make slaves of prisoners of war, but to conform to the practice of civilized European nations. Lord Exmouth then returned [H]

turned to Algiers, with a view of inducing the Dey to sign a similar declaration; but after much altercation, he persisted in declining it, on the ground that, being a subject of the Ottoman Porte, he could not consent to such a condition without the permission of the Sultan; but that he would send a minister to Constantinople to request it: and, in fact, an Algerine ambassador was conveyed on board the Tagus frigate to Constantinople for that purpose.

To this summary relation, various particulars may be added from the extract of a letter, which has been printed in a public paper.

It is there asserted, that upon the refusal of the Dey of Algiers to agree to the abolition of the slavery of captives, Lord Exmouth departed from the interview with a determination to commence hostilities, and that the Dey in consequence ordered the British consul (Mr. M'Donald) to be placed under confinement, and the English vessels at Oran to be seized. On the next day, the ships got under way; but a violent gale continuing till the afternoon, it was too late to take a favourable position alongside the batteries, and the ships anchored again. His lordship then dispatched a letter to the Dey, demanding the release of the consul, which he refused, without the payment of a large sum of money, which he said was due to him. On the next day, the Dey sent a proposal, stating his willingness to conclude a perpetual peace; but requiring a delay of six months, respecting the abo

lition of slavery, in order that the Grand Seignior might be consulted on the subject. Lord Exmouth agreed to a suspension of three months; the frigate, as above-mentioned, was then sent with the Ambassador to Constantinople; and the British Admiral, after an interchange of the usual civilities with the Dey, set sail for England.

In the French papers has been published a letter from Lord Exmouth to the King of Naples, In this dated Algiers, April 6. communication, Lord E. congratulates his Majesty on the restoration of peace with the regency of Algiers--affirms that he has made the Dey perfectly understand, that upon his good faith and moderation would depend the existence of his political power, and that, by departing from these principles, he would excite the resentment of all Europe, which is ready to unite to oppose the proceedings of the Barbary powers- -informs the King, that he did not consider himself as authorised to compel the Dey to accept a less sum for the release of slaves, after his refusal to grant the Dey the enormous sum demanded by him for the peace, and to furnish him with naval and military stores in lieu of the annual tribute――and requests his Majesty to urge upon the Marquis of Circello the necessity of making with punctuality the first payment, for which he has given his word.

There is subjoined a letter from his Lordship to the above Marquis, dated April 19th, congratulating him upon the hope of seeing a speedy end put to Chris

tian slavery; and impressing him with the importance of remitting as soon as possible, the money to be paid for the release of the slaves.

Before Lord Exmouth had quitted the Barbary coast, a tragical incident occurred, (which, however, did not come to his knowledge) resulting from the savage and perfidious disposition of a people trained to piracy, and rendered furious by the apprehension of being compelled to renounce their most profitable branch of traffic. At Bona, on the coast of Algiers, is an establishment for carrying on a coral fishery, under the protection of the British flag, which, at the proper season, is frequented by a great number of boats from the Corsican, Neapolitan, and other Italian ports. On the 23d of May, the festival of Ascension, at one in the morning, as the crews of all the boats were preparing to hear mass, a gun was fired from the Castle, and at the same time appeared about 2000 infantry and cavalry, consisting of Turks, Levanters, and Moors. A part of these troops proceeded towards the country, whilst another band advanced towards the river, where the fishing boats were lying at different distances from the sea; and firing, as did also the forts, upon the unfortunate fishers, who were partly on board and partly on land, massacred almost the whole of them. They seized the English flags, tore them in pieces, and trampling them under foot, dragged them on the ground in triumph. The men who happened to be in the country, saved themselves by flight, and declared

that they saw the soldiers pillage the house of the British viceconsul, the magazines containing the provisions, and the coral which had been fished up. By the boats which escaped, intelligence was brought, that on the arrival of a courier, hostilities were suspended; that the Viceconsul was set at liberty, but not suffered to quit the town; and that several masters of boats, and seamen, who had taken refuge in a magazine during the inassacre, were also liberated, and were advised by the Vice-consul to put to sea, with the boats which were destitute of crews. A Turk, who was asked the reason of this violence, replied, that the Dey had declared war against the English, because the Admiral had demanded the burning of the Algerine fleet. On the whole, it appears probable, that this horrid act was perpetrated, rather in consequence of the blind and ungovernable rage of a licentious soldiery, than of orders from the Dey and his Divan; for although the firing from the forts might be construed as an authorised hostility, there is no reason to suppose, that it would have been commanded by a regular government for the mere purpose of useless destruction.

Whatever was the direct cause of this atrocity, it cannot he doubted, that the intelligence invigorated the determination of the British cabinet to employ effectual measures for obtaining by force from these barbarians, that security for their future peaceful conduct which would be in vain expected from their regard to justice or humanity. Immedi[H2] ately,