The subject of the navy estimates was resumed before the committee of supply on March 25th. The discussion was begun by Mr. Tierney, who introduced his observations by saying, that an examination of those estimates would furnish a clear exposition of the noble lord's economy; and if he did not make out against his Majesty's ministers one of the strongest cases that had ever been established against any government, he was utterly mistaken in his anticipations. The estimates had no reference to the naval service as connected with the defence of the country by naval officers; they related only to the civil administration of the navy. They were divided into several heads; such as the admiralty, the navyoffice, the navy-pay-office, the victualling-office, the home-dockyards, the out-ports, the foreign yards, &c. The right hon. gentleman then went through the particulars of these several heads; and his conclusion was, that the ministers had made their estiinates in these departments for the first year of peace exceed those of the last year of war by 21,6041.; and giving them credit for the saving of 12001. in the admiralty and victualling departments, there remained an excess of more than 20,000l. beyond the expenditure of 1814. This was a sufficient ground for putting a negative upon the estimates, and sending them back for revision.

Sir G. Warrender, in his speech in reply, assured the House that it was the disposition of the admiralty to carry into effect every retrenchment consistent with the security of the country. Inquiries

were in progress into every department, and considerable reductions might be expected to take place.

Mr. Croker chiefly bent his argument in the present stage of the discussion against the right hon. gentleman's prima facie ground for sending back the estimates, by proving, that in the first year of every peace upon record, the ordinary estimates of the navy had exceeded those of the last year of war preceding; the reason of which, he said, was plain; because the ordinary estiinates comprised the civil departnent of the navy, and as the scattered materials were in time of peace brought back to the offices and dock-yards, the expense of those establishments was consequently increased.

In the conclusion of this day's debate, a motion for adjournment was negatived, and that for the committee was carried.

When the committee was resumed on the 27th, Sir G. Warrender moved a resolution for the grant of a sum not exceeding 14 million, for defraying the expenses of navy articles eighteen in number. Mr. Baring and other menbers having objected to collecting them under one head, it was at length agreed that they should be taken separately; and the first resolution proposed was for a sum not exceeding 59,7231. for defraying the salaries and contingent expences of the admiralty office for the year 1816.

Mr. Tierney, after refuting the imputation of mistake brought against him by Mr. Croker, by asserting that his meaning had been, that in the particular offices

which he had specified there had invariably been a diminution of expense in the first year of peace, proceeded to the subject of the clerks in the several naval departments. He stated, that in 1814 the number of these clerks was 449; at present it was 425, making a diminution of 24; yet there was an augmentation of salaries amounting to 10,0001. On this circumstance he made several pointed observations, and concluded by moving, that only six months' expenditure should be voted, and the House should in the meantime appoint a committee for sifting the matter to the bottom.

Mr. Croker then entered into a minute explanation and defence of the motives for this alteration, both with respect to the reduction of the number, and the increase of the salaries.

A long and warm debate succeeded, during which Mr. Bankes moved "that the chairman should report progress, and ask leave to sit again,"-in other words, that the decision should be postponed. Mr. Tierney withdrawing his own amendment, a division took place on this motion, when it was negatived by 163 to 85; majority

78.

Mr. Baring then argued against the allowance proposed for the

paymaster of the marines, the paymaster of widows' pensions, and the inspector of telegraphs, contending that they were useless offices; and he moved a proportional deduction from the sum to be voted for. This motion was rejected by a division of 124 to 38; and the original resolution was agreed to.

The navy estimates continued to be a subject of debate at successive sittings of the committec of supply; but as it would be impossible to reduce within moderate limits the particulars brought into discussion, we must confine ourselves to a short notice of the results. On March 29th Sir G. Warrender moved a vote for a sum to defray the expenses of the navy board, which was carried without a division. A similar motion for the expenses of the navy-payoffice was made by him on April 1st, which produced an amendment proposed by Mr. Bennet for reducing the salary of the treasurer of the navy from 4000l. to 20001. This was rejected by a majority of 66 to 21; and the resolution was agreed to, after disposing of another amendment by Mr. Martin, for deducting 7000l. from the sum proposed. In conclusion, all the other resolutions were put and carried without opposition.

CHAPTER

N Feb. 15th, a motion was

0% introduced into the House

of Commons by Mr. Brougham, which, though it had no political results, was rendered remarkable by the historical matter occurring in the debate subsequent upon it. The hon. gentleman, after some general and particular remarks on the interference of one state in the domestic affairs of another, proceeded to the consideration of the transactions of this government with respect to the Spanish nation, under the changes it had been subjected to from the French usurpation. In 1809 this government concluded a treaty with Admiral Apodaca, the minister commissioned by the Junta of Spain, though nominally the ambassador of Ferdinand, by which this count:y bound itself never to make peace with France to the surrender of the royal rights of Ferdinand, or whatever prince the Spanish nation might choose as VOL. LVIII.

his successor; and on the other hand, the existing government of Spain agreed that hostilities with France should never be terminated but with the consent of the allies, and without separating the interests of Spain and England. The Marquis Wellesley was then appointed minister to the Junta, and urgently recommended the assembling of a Cortes. This was effected, and a regency was appointed, composed of five members, all chosen by the interposition of England. On this footing of intimate connection and conjoined interests, (said Mr. B.) affairs went on till the beginning of 1814, when Buonaparte opened a negociation with Ferdinand, then in confinement at Valency, which was conducted by the Duke of San Carlos, now high in office at the court of Spain; and a treaty was concluded by which Ferdinand abandoned the cause of this country, and upon [C] Buonaparte's

Buonaparte's stipulation to withdraw his armies from Spain, undertook to give his assistance in expelling the English troops from the Spanish territory. Ferdinand was set at liberty, and returning to his own country, withdrew to Valencia, keeping from him all good men and patriots. He refused to sign the constitution framed by authorit es legally constituted; and without doing any thing to revoke the treaty of Valency, employed himself in projects to get rid of the Cortes and the Regency. Troops in British pay, and commanded by a British officer in the Spanish service, were sent against the Cortes, and that body, with the Regency, were obliged to surrender their authority, while lists were put into the hands of the sovereign of those who had taken the most active part for their country. It was unnecessary to enter into details of the succeeding measures of the King of Spain, all directed against the policy and interests of Great Britain; or of the cruel punishments inflicted on those who had contended for his crown; since it was well known that twentyseven members of the Cortes, and two of the Regency, had become victims to the animosity of Ferdinand. After dwelling some time longer on these topics, and alluding to the British interference in the internal affairs of France, the hon. member concluded with moving “That an humble address be presented to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, entreating his Royal Highness to take into his gracious consideration the sufferings of the members of the late Spanish Regency

and Cortes, and representing that the alliance at present subsisting between his Royal Highness and his Catholic Majesty affords the most favourable opportunity for interposing the good offices of Great Britain in their behalf with the weight that belongs to her, and to the sentiments of this House, and of the people."

Lord Castlereagh rose, and after expressing his surprise at the extraordinary and novel nature of the motion which had just been read, he said, he regarded the policy now proposed to the House as extremely unwise, and calculated to do much mischief, without a chance of producing any substantial benefit to the persons whose cause it professed to espouse. He then remarked upon the tendency of the hon. gentleman's speech to excite jealousy and animosity, and to involve the two countries in mutual hostility; and was next led in the train of argument, to make observations on the proper kind of interference which might be excited with respect to foreign countries. Digressing to facts relative to France at different periods, he took oceasion to censure the manner in which individuals of this country had thought proper to interpose in the late religious differences of that country, affirming that the charges brought against the French sovereign and government as encouraging persecution were entirely groundless, and had been received with displeasure by both parties.

Coming to the direct point, his Lordship complained that the hon. gentleman had proceeded to allegations against the govern

ment for neglect of attempting to appease the violences in Spain, without enquiring into their truth. His Majesty's ministers had never ceased to attend to the interest and fate of the individuals whom the motion concerned; and he might claim belief when he declared, upon his honour, that he was convinced that our government had rather gone beyond, than fallen short of its duty, in its zeal to serve the body of men alluded to. At the same time he must disclaim all the necessity which the hon. gentleman wished to impose upon it so to act. It was a mistake to suppose that the Cortes had been guided by us, and that we were bound to rescue its members because all that they had done was by our direction. The party called Liberales was undoubtedly an Anti-French party, but in no other sense a British party, and the term employed by the hon. gentleman of English Cortes was entirely inapplicable. Of this a better proof could not be given than their refusal to admit Lord Wellington into Cadiz, when he was desirous of obtain ing a point within the Spanish territory previously to entrenching his army behind the lines of Torres Vedras. Lord C. then proceeded to a kind of comment on the principles and conduct of the Cortes, and a defence of the part taken by the court of Spain. He said, the Cortes thought they could best effect their purpose by entirely overturning the ancient system of the kingdom, and especially by merging the whole class of nobility and clergy in the third estate, after the example of the French jacobins, whence

4

When the

most of the calamities of the country had arisen. This was principally owing to the party called Liberales, who declared that they would not admit Ferdinand's right to the throne, unless he should put his seal to the principles which they laid down, and among the rest, that of the sovereignty of the people. Their extremes naturally produced a violent reaction, and the swing taken in the direction of Jacobinism had now taken as violent a direction towards despotism. constitution of the Cortes had been destroyed by Ferdinand, there was not a murmur in Spain; in fact, the people were more attached to some of those particulars in their ancient constitution which we thought defects, than the people of this country were to the most perfect part of our free constitution. He then charged the Cortes with having shewn a determined disposition in many of the members to withdraw from the Duke of Wellington the command of the national troops, which had been conferred upon him by a solemn act of the state, so that he retained it by the majority only of six votes; and the minority were all Liberales. Many of their acts had been of the most cruel kind, such as their prosecutions and punishments of the generals Palafox and Abisbal, and their proceedings against the Bishop of Orense; so that, were their authority to be restored, he feared that Spain would not be purged from all enormities. When, however, a minister of the crown stated to parliament that the British government had interfered, and that the four great [C 2]

powers