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to the public welfare, and as calculated to call forth the united talents, as well as the utmost resources of the empire: in which endeavour he persisted till within a few months of his death. I am aware of the delicacy of such a statement, but I am bold in the certainty of its truth. My profound respect for those by whom such averment, if false, might be contradicted, would not suffer me to make it, were it not called for to do justice to that great and virtuous statesman whose unrivalled qualities, both in private and in public life, will ever be in my recollection

“Dum memor ipse mei, dum spiritus hos regit artus." This statement, we suspect, is much more than the Right Hon. apologist can prove. High as are the channels of information which are accessible to Mr. Roge, the only competent and satisfactory one relating to the present delicate topic is beyond even his reach. The carriage of Lord Eldon was not likely to bear to the Queen's house the advocate for Mr. Fox's admission into oflice. Is not the counter report, which whispers that the Ex-minister listened to the flattering insinuations of a Northern Viscount that his own mighty arms were pero fectly equal to the management of the reins of empire, fully as probable as that which is here retailed? Mr. Rose asserts that Mr. Pitt was most anxiously desirous,' that he pressed Mr. Fox's admission into office with the greatest earnestness :'--but what was the fact? One short audience disposed of the illustrious Fox; and during this memorable interview, how many minutes of it were employed in representing his claims ? How many words did Mr. Pitt employ on a point about which he was 80 anxiously desirous, and which he pressed with such earnestness? That Mr. Pitt proposed the admission of Mr. Fox into the new cabinet we do not deny, but that he anxiously desired it, that he earnestly pressed it, we cannot admit, positively as it is asserted by the Right Hon. George Rose." We shall next expect to be told that he was seconded in the recommendation by his friends Lords Melville and Eldon.-That the door of the cabinet was thrown wide open to Lord Grenville, we allow: but he declined the invitation, and the choice which he made between Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, at a momentous crisis, ought rever to be forgotten by his country, particularly by those who regarded the latter as better qualified than any other man to preside over the foreign interests of the British empire.

The main body of this tract, however, is not less creditable to the author, than to the official co-adjutor and the grateful friend. It is composed in the best style of narrative, and is distinguished by simplicity, perspicuity, and method. Though the name is scarcely mentioned, the object is never out of sight, and is completely attained : the impression made on the mind is



A View of the Political State of Great Britain and Ireland. 85 strong; we are conscious of the presens Divus; we feel his power, and we are constrained to do him homage. It is an offer: ing due to the late minister, and is a tribute from friendship which honors the giver and the receiver. We had heard much of the eminence of Mr. Rose as a man of business, and as a judicious director of influence : bur, till the first appearance of this publication, we were ignorant of his familiarities with the Muse of Latium; and it was unknown to us that the late indefatigable Secretary of the Treasury was master of the graces of style, and could boast of the accomplishments of the scholar.

Art. XIV. A Short View of the Political Stale of Great Britain

and Ireland, at the Opening of the New Parliament ; with some Remarks on the recent fatal Mortality among Men of splendid Talents, and especially on the irreparable Loss which the Country has sustained in the Death of her ablest Champion, the late lamented Member for Westminster : in an Address to the People of England. By an Independent Freeholder. 8vo. Pp. 54. 25.

Ridgway. 1807. ALTHOUGH the literary claims of this pamphlet are not im

posing, and a few prejudices and false notions appear to be afloat in the mind of the writer, which prevent him from seeing some objects in a proper light, we cannot withhold our esteem from the upright intentions, the dispassionate spirit, and the many just sentiments, which his pages display. We shall extend our notice of it, however, in order to animadvert on the popular error, that the stock held by foreigners in our funds ought not to be exempted from taxation, which is mixed with the sensible and liberal views of this writer. We cannot, indeed, enter fully into the subject, since our limits allow not room for the demonstration which would produce irresistible conviction : but we shall submit to the candid reader those presumptions which lie on the superficies of things, and that belong to a genus in the class of proofs which, being readily seized by minds of discernment and penetration, enable men to judge rightly of subjects of which they have very slight knowlege, and often more rightly than those who are deeply conver. sant with them, but who want the same tact.

It certainly was not the interest of ministers to allow of this exemption without good cause; and yet three successive financiers, who have each improved on the other in rendering the tax productive, have severally admitted it. We do not recollect that it has been ever urged by the present opposition : but if it bas, the topic has not been and probably never will be again



introduced by them. We have, then, the consent of all statesmen, in and out of place, to sanction the exemption. It is also obvious that the bias of ministers must be against it. A minister is as fully aware as any man how much less productive it renders the tax; he is sensible that, in appearance, it favours the foreigner and increases the pressure on the British subject; and its unpopularity he must fully anticipate. What powerful interest does he flatter or gratify by it? What motive can he have for such a regulation, but a conviction of its policy and expediency, in addition to a sense of its justice? If in acting thus the late and present ministers have sinned, they have certainly not willfully transgressed. Their offence must have been a mere error in judgment, which they must have every disposition to renounce on being satished of its fallacy : but it is an error into which Mr. Pitt and Mr. Addington and Lord Henry Petty have successively fallen, and which was never imputed to them as such as far as we recollect) by those who wanted neither ability to discover nor inclination to display their faults. Of what yalue must be this unanimity among persons who have so many motives to disagree, who see things through such different mediums, and whom political animosity often leads to affect differences when in face they are of the same mind ;-of what value, we say, must consent be regarded, among parties thus circumstanced, on a point of importance, and when popularity is against the unanimity? With all persons who have not given these matters their own attention and consideration, consent of this sort ought to be decisive.We do not rest the matter on presumption, however, because it does not admit of being fully established ly investigation, but we abstain from such investigation because our pages will not admit of it, and because many persons are incapable of following up such an inquiry. A defence of the exemption would form an appropriate chapter under the head of political economy. If, among those who doubt, there be any one who is imbued with this science, we invite him to reflect on the natural effects of capital, and on its effects among a people such as we are ; and how imperiously the importance of these effects calls on public men to favour its flow into the country. Let him recollect that the investment of so much foreign capital in our funds permits an equal portion of our home capital to be employed in public improvements and mercantile speculations ; let him calculate the vast advantages which we thus make of this investment; let him consider how beneficial it would be to increase this influx, and how pernicious to diminish it, and let him contemplate the delicate nature of that confidence, which attracts to this country the 7


A View of the Pelitical State of Great Britain and Ireland. 87 money of strangers,-how easily it is paralyzed;---and with what difficulty, when it once departs, it is again established. This foreign deposit is so much money employed in agriculture, manufactures, and commerce; since, if it be withdrawn, the same sum must be diverted from those vivifying channels, We make, then, a handsome profit of this money, which is intrusted to our custody by our neighbours, who rely on our good faith and our honor ; and let us be content with our fair and honest gains.

The sentiments in this pamphlet are, in gerieral, as liberal as they are patriotic; and it was from want of attention, we are persuaded, that this writer adopted the erroneous notion which we have been deprecating.--Ile is a very ardent admirer of the late Mr. Fox; and if he be not just to that states. man's eminent rival, be shews laudable moderation and temper in the language in which he speaks of both:

• We have to deplore the loss of TWO MEN, whose abilities as statesmen are perhaps unrivalled in the annals of mankind. It were ao idle waste of words to endeavour to prove, what the whole world acknowledges, that their talents were superior to all panegyric! The violence of party.spirit in regard to these eminent persons bath already ncarly evaporated; the clouds of prejudice are already clearing away; the obstinacy of the one is no longer dignified by the name of PATRIOTISM, nor is the perseverance of the alber any longer stigma. tized under the appellation of DISAFFECTION, The merits and the errors of each are already beginning to find their level; and posterity will do justice to both.

• Entirely opposite in their characters, habits, dispositions, and manners, in one respect only they assimilated-each pursned the same end, though by different means; each ardently laboured to pro. mote, what he conceived to be the welfare of his country. The groundless assertions of the one, and the PROPHETIC WARNINGS of the other, are now examined by the eye of impartiality-and the natural good sense of the English nation begins at length to perceive, how quickly the most refined subtilties of SOPHISTRY vanished at the approach of TRUTH; and in the bitterness of disappointed ambition to reflect upon the vanity of artificial eloquence, when opposed to the ROUGH AND ARTLESS MAJESTY OF TRUE WISDOM!

We do not equally praise a composition which this author highly applauds, viz. Mr. Godwin's sketch of the British Demosthenes, which is copied into this tract. Mr. Godwin has undeniably the merit of having happily seized and strongly painted many of the characteristic features of his original; the charms of his private character, his services to liberty, and the attributes of his eloquence, are well conceived by the artist : but the portrait is incomplete, and some of the more striking traits are not even attempted. In vain we seek for the


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just delineation of his exquisite taste; of his style so pure, 50 simple, so fascinating ; of the vast and rich furniture of his mind; of that superior discernment in the foreign interests of his country, which dictated salutary and which foretold the mischiefs of unwise councils ; of that high estimation in which he was held by enlightened foreigners; ard of the vast number of respectable persons whose attachment to him nothing could shake. Why give to another physiognomy any part of the canvas appropriated to kis portrait; why call up past times; why the parallelism which is on so many accounts to be condemned ; sitting down to such a subject, how came the pencil to sketch a groupe ?

We suspect that the artist is rather too complimentary to the national character, when, after having traced the excellencies of Mr. Fox, he says, "he was all over English.' The fair abstract of the English character probably falls short of that of the personage whom Mr. Godwin undertakes to pourtray. In the former, with honor, courage, openness, good sense, kindness, and devotion to liberty, an inordinate nationality is blended, which leads us to hold the rest of the world in too low estimation, to overlook the good qualities of others, and to be blind to our own imperfections. We should indeed be libellers of Mr. Fox if we denied him nationality, since there was every thing in his nature, in his situation, and in his pursuits, that could render the feeling intense : but in him it was more than the mere feeling, it was the feeling purified and elevated, invigorated by study and guided by reflection. His pursuits led to intercourse with foreigners ; he sought it, and was capable of maintaining it: for on the acquirement of accomplishments in this department, he had employed the whole force of his great talents. His rare excellencies of this kind attracted only the curious, who had a similar turn : but it is on this ground that his loss must at this crisis be regarded as most afflicting. Let us, however, restrain the pen.-Now that Mr. Fox is no longer among us, we may indeed more freely speak our sentiments of him than ever we did while he was living, because we can declare thein without being suspected of those personal motives and that party spirit which the Monthly Review has ever disdained : but our gratitude, our affection, if it be permitted us to use the phrase, must not carry us on to attempt what is beyond our strength and beyond our means. To the arduous and meritorious task, he only is equal, who lived the intimate of the illustrious departed, who was blessed with a portion of the same genius, and who him self witnessed all his public displays; a sketch from such a hand, if such a hand there be, would be crowned with the


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