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might lead to a fait appreciation of their merits. So important in M. GENTZ's estimation is that sort of newspaper warfare which the French government has now for years been carrying on, and in which a sovereign is bimself an avowed writer of political articles, that he de votes fifty pages of his introduction to a digression on that subject; and they form not the least interesting or least useful part of the volume. He gives an historical account of the origin of this new practice ; shews how the French revolution destroyed that desirable external complaisance which, till then, governments had almost always preserved towards each other; and marks the period at which the head of the French nation began, after having laid heavy fetters on the press in general, personally to make use, in the midst of peace, of weapons which formerly were regarded on By as the resort of the weak against a powerful oppressor. These considerations lead to a vindication of the British government against the reproach of similar practices in ministerial papers, and the author endeavours to convince his countrymen that the articles in these papers are by no means to be compared to the official communications of the Moniteur, but must be viewed as merely private reports or opinions. After Iraving commented on the matter and form of the French of ficial journal, he adds :
• If this annatural state of things, this dangerous mixture of power, this extreme abuse of literary licentiousness, engrafted on military force,-a sovereign entering the lists with the writers of news. papers,-a writer of a newspaper, before whom kings tremble ;-if this perverted and perverting system cannot be entirely annihilated, Europe cannot hope for peace. At present, when all is shaken and torn, when insecurity and confusion universally prevail, anxiety respecting the fulure is so great, that the heaviest and most pressing evil conceals from our view that which seems to be subordinate. But if a more fortunate constellation should arise, or the antient spirit and strength of so many nations, now humbled and degraded, shall once more be roused, and a way out of this labyrinth be discovered ; should the dignity of states be re-established, and the balance of pow. er restored ;-then let those, whom Providence may select to produce such a glorious regeneration, not forget that their work will remain incomplete, while a sovereign ia Europe can with impunity be a writer of libels.'
The Statement of the Relations between Great Britain and Spain is an examination of, and reasoning on, the correspondence which was laid before parliament; and a translation of which, chronologically arranged, forms almost the second half of the volume. It is endeavoured to shew that, in every stage of the long and frequently intricate negociations which preceded the rupture, the British government acted not only with
justice, justice, but with great forbearance and moderation. Not in a single point does Baron G. admit that either of the administrations, which acted a part in those negotiations, gave reason for reproach ; and he regrets that, even in the British
senate, a doubt should have been expressed respecting the propriety of their conduct. The charge of temporizing he repels in their name by referring to the impossibility that any person, except the ministers themselves, could judge fairly on the propriety of submitting for a time to what would be a just ground of war ; a principle which, if extended to its full length, would be little relished in this country. The seizure of the register ships, which was the principal cause of the cry against England, is defended with great skill; and we shall rejoice if all the readers of this publication should be as strongly convinced by the author's arguments, as he himself was, that not one of the many reproaches on that subject is found to be consistent when examined before an impartial tribunal.
To those who piead for Spain on the ground of compassion for her dependent situation, this able writer replies by the following general reasoning:
It is clear that it would be strange political philosophy to suffer Great Britain to be ruined because Spain is fallen. But the mistaken humanity of those who diffuse such a maxim deserves, wherever it is found, 'much seyerer criticism. In the misfortune of a state, those evils only can justly attract pity which unavoidably befall it; and those which arise from weakness of conduct must excite very different feelings. Contempt is not sufficient. It may in. deed be adequate to imbecility in private life: but when the imbecile man has the temerity to appear on that important scene on which every step affects the whole, and every step is decisive of the fate of nations, even to distant generations, he becomes as amenable to our hostility as the villain ; and if, conscious of his weakness, he conducts the state to its ruin, he becomes the most execrable of human beings. That a state, in the situation of Spain, should immediately enter into a war against superior power, like that which the enervated policy of courts and the contemptible supineness of the age had thrown into the hands of France, nobody can expect : but when we see the sovereign of an antient and venerable monarcby, the head of a high minded people, the possessor of half a quarter of the globe and of all the treasures which it contains, draw his own shackles closer, and offer his hand to his oppressor,---when none of his motions remain free,—when the nod of a French agent is his supreme law, - when before the omnipotence of the foreign lawgiver the last attributes of an independent government vanish,-shall we still speak of due regard ? shall his ministers still be treated with tenderness ? and was it fair that England should forego even the smallest advantage, because men like these did not possess the courage to set bounds to the ruin of their country?'
App. Rev, VOL. LII. LI
M. DE Gentz is of opinion that a formal declaration of war, under the persent circumstances and relations of the nations of Europe, is an optional ceremony. not at all times rither practicable or necessary; so that it should now be proved, not why such a declaration might have been omitted, but why, from the peculiar nature of the case, it ought to have been made. The charge brought both in this country and abroad, against the British ministers, that they had mixed hostilities with peaceable negotiations, is turned into a subject of approbation, and gives rise to these remarks :
• It is an undoubted truth, the result of history, that the boundary which divides peace and war is the most abrupt among nations which are in the lowest state of civilization, and becomes smoother as they rise in refinement and as the science of politics advances more towards perfection. Among the nations of antiquity, peace and war were separated as it were by a brazen wall; and no idea could have been formed in Grecce or Rome ofa congress for peace, commenced under che din of arms, and continued for years within the view of bloody combats. The dawn of a more liberal intercourse between all the nations of Europe, in the middle ages, notwithstanding innumerable occasions for war, had already created a lenient and conciliating principle, and a more gentle transition from hostilities to reconciliation ; for in the midst of contest, common maxims and manners, the prescriptions of a common religion, and the spirit of a common chivalry, invited the princes and herues of those times to an amicable approximation, and established a mutual understanding calculated to shorten hostile feelings, and to facilitate the return of peace. But to preserve, during the whole duration of hostilities, the prospect of accommodation, to place diplomatic negotiations constantly by the side of military operations, to arrange even these with an uninterrupted provident view to the interest of the state after the restoration of tranquillity, in short, to melt peace and war together as far as this is possible, was left to the great perfection which the art of policy has acquired in modern times. By this ingenious union and interweaving of things apparently incompatible, .war has, in a much higher degree than formerly, been subject to a regular calculation, less blind, less violent, and less hopeless; and whatever apprehension of injurious effects, in some points of view, this important invention may excite, yet on the whole it was undoubtedly one of the most extensive and powerful steps in the progress of general civilization. After it had been proved by experience that a negotiation for peace might begin in the midst of a war, without a previous suspension of hustilitica, it could not escape the attention of the rulers of nations, that negotiations arranged before the commencement of a war might also be continued notwithstanding hos1 ile operations. The idea of beginning hostilities without breaking off mutual intercourse and communication, to commence a partial war only, and to use a first success merely to support pacification, this idea has not in the precent cave been applied for the first time ;
and if it had originated with the British ministers, they would have no reason to be ashamed of their invention.'
The readiness with which the calumnies of the Moniteur were received and credited almost throughout Europe, and the eagerness with which political writers on the continent joined in painting English policy in the darkest colours, appear to this author to betray the spirit of the period ; and to confirm the malancholy truth, that in times like the present, when a colossa! tyranny, embracing and penetrating every thing, crushes individuals as well as nations, fetters thoughts as well as motions, and is intent on destroying for ever all that is fair and just in opinion and sentiment, as it has destroyed it in resolution and in action,-that in such times of despair nothing can be gained by moderation and forbearance."
We have thus furnished our readers with a view of the object and reasonings of M. GENT2. Much scope might be taken in commenting on them, and the pour and the contre would often be urged by contending politicians. Our multifarious duty, however, calls us to other objects ; and we must conclude the article by observing that in this work we every where perceive the man, who, far above common writers on politics, takes a comprehensive view of his subject, with which he is intimately acquainted ; that he reasons on general and liberal principles; that he has acquired great diplomatic ingenuity ; that he states his argument in a plain, simple, and, in general, a fair manner; and that, if his style cannot always bear the test of strict examination, it is free from the common though opposite faults of compositions of this nature, heaviness on the one hand, or affcctation of elegance on the other.
Arr.IX. schyli Dramata que supersunt, et deperditorum Fragmenta.
Grecè et Latinè recensuit, et brevi annotatione illustravit, FRIDERICU'S
of Æschylus, and the spaustav zatahoyos; the tragedies, with a Latin translation at the bottom of the page ; the frag, ments, also translated; short notes to the plays and fragments; a conspectus metricus, i.e. the metrical name of each verse; and a short Index Rerum. The whole is contained in one moderate octavo, the typography of which is executed with decent correctness, and some neatness, if allowance be made for a few sopperies, such as are common in German printing :--the fine paper copies are even handsome.
M. Bothe's professed design is to exhibit a corrett text, with short explanations of the most difficult passages, and the book is intended for the use of students, and of such polite scholars as are apt to shrink from the perusal of bulky volumes. In the explanatory part, Schutz is followed: but in the restitution of the text, and the arrangement of the metres, much remained to be done, even after the labours of that editor and of M. Herman. • Tentavi igitur,' says M. BUTHE, audacius fortasse quam felicius, tentavi certe, verborum auctoritatem ubique explorando, interpretamenta, qua magis propria nostra est provincia, expungendo, denique metra, præsertim chorica, exigendo ad sensum pulcri historicamque veritatem. Que utcunque mihi cesserit opera (multum autem de esse ad perfectionem, ipse sentio); viam certe muniisse dicar, qua nisi alii meliores perrexerint, nihil in huc genere præstari poterit levigatum et quasi . omnibus numeris absolutum. Scribebam Berolini, mense Maio clələcccv.' The substance of the whole preface is here given. Not a word is said of the subsidia which are used ; Schutz's first edition is M. Bothe's repository of facts ; Stanley's notes, Schutz's second edition, and the Glasgow folio, are occasionally quoted; the last probahly at second-hand from Schutz.
That great innovations would be made in the text was to be expected from the above quotation : but that such innovations, as M. Bothe has introduced, could be ventured by any editor, would before the perusal of this book have been pronounced impossible. Few passages escape without a conjecture : every conjecture is admitted into the text; and the boldness of the alterations is quite as remarkable as their number. This unbounded licence renders it difficult for the mature scholar, and impossible for the student, to read the book with any degree of security; and had the text been undeserving of much reprehension, the defects of the notes would alone have disqualified the work from being, what it professes to be, a manual for the general reader. The readings which are adopted from others are seldom recorded.; and even the editor, conjectures are sometimes unnoticed, in direct violation of the obvious duty of every one who revises an antient author. Another fault of the notes is their extreme jejune ness. Sometimes a quotation does not appear for pages together, and the absence of all learned illustration is poorly compensated by a few formula, vulgo, inepte, inconcinne, corrupte, male, in which M. Bothe commonly passes sentence on the readings that have the misfortune of displeasing him.-His chief attention has been given to the expulsion of glosses, and the restitution of the metre ; and to the accomplishment of this design he cheerfully sacrifices whole verses in some abandance, besides clauses