Art 20. Reasons for not making Peace with Bonaparte: to which is added a Postscript. By William Hunter, Esq. Second Edition, corrected. 8vo. pp. 119. 2s. 6d. Stockdale. 1807. Though a devoted admirer of the late Mr. Pitt, this writer entertained a favourable opinion of the administration which a sort of political hurricane has recently overturned. His sentiments on our internal politics are manly and liberal; and we concur with him in all that he says in commendation of the abolition of the Slave Trade, and of the new regulations of our military system: but we cannot unite with him in censuring the American Intercourse Bill, or the pacific disposition displayed towards the United States: necessity was the parent of the former of these measures, while obvious policy pre. scribed the latter.-Mr. Hunter was hostile to the late negotiation, but he bestows liberal praise on the manner in which it was conducted on our part; and his remarks on this subject bespeak an impartial and well informed mind.. Various other topics are introduced into this pamphlet, on which we differ toto calo from Mr. H.; but, admitting his views to be correct, the composition is altogether creditable to the writer. Art. 21. ་ Cursory Reflections on the Measures now [lately] in Agitation, in Favour of the Roman Catholics of the United Kingdom. By a Loyal Irishman. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Hatchard. 1807. Accustomed to lend a patient ear to all parties, we have listened with attention to this loyal Irishman;' whose loyalty, however, is accompanied with furious violence, a most unbecoming temper, and very indecorous language. Weighing impartially all that this angry writer has said, we do not find ourselves shaken in the opinion that liberal, mild, and gentle treatment towards religious parties is equally our duty and our sound policy. We have read of religious establish. ments having been subverted, which emoluments and privileges aggrandized, and which penalties and exclusions fenced and protected: but we know not any instance in which a religious establishment has suffered injury from too great leniency being shewn to separatists. The experience of modern times is altogether in favour of this important practical proposition. Alas! How unfortunate that, in this age of improvement, the moment in which we should most anxiously study to unite all in the cause of the country should be selected in order to rekindle and inflame religious animosities; and that there should be statesmen who, without a blush, could have recourse to these dangerous means in order to serve party purposes! The enlightened of this day ought to discountenance the unworthy and mischievous strata gem. It was the opinion of Mr. Burke that the Popery code formed one consistent whole, and that it must stand or fall together. Those who applauded his foresight in regard to the French Revolution, and the confederacy which was formed to resist it, deny his authority on the present subject, though they well know that it was one to which he had given lorg and anxious attention; and certainly it is not one more difficult and large than those in which they admit his decisions to have been well founded. His doctrine with respect to the Popery code embraces a comprehensive proposition: but we are con 3 vinced vinced that it admits of clear demonstration; and the present is per haps a reasonable period for undertaking it.-Because catholic emana cipation is not less wise and politic than it is just, we do not say that on that account it should be carried into effect: it is not sufficient that the measure be a fit one, but the public must be in a degree ripe for it, before it can be safely adopted: it is not enough that the food be wholesome, the state of the system for which it is designed must be taken into consideration.This writer imputes all the vices of antient popery to the catholic profession of our days: but in its worst times, it could hardly display a more unchristian and intolerant tem per than is manifested by its present accuser. Art. 22. Admission of Papists to hold certain Commissions in the Army, &c. The Substance of Mr. Deputy Birch's Speech in Common Council, March 5, 1807. 8vo, Is. Asperne. We applaud this worthy deputy's zeal for protestantism; and we should be sorry to be in the least degree inferior to him in this respect: but the question is whether his zeal be directed by knowlege? We would hint to him that it is not a light matter on which he has committed the metropolis of the empire. The suit of three or four millions of the subjects of a free country is surely intitled to some respect. If the capital has an interest that the church should be secure, so has it that every part of the united kingdom should be tran. quil and flourishing, and remain free from disturbance and commotion. Would it not be wise that in this question there should be no popular interference? It is a state question, and should be left to the private and public councils of the King. Perhaps our affairs would not materially suffer, if Mr. Birch were to withdraw his aid :—but, if he will counsel the legislature on this subject, we would ask him, were the Popery Laws enacted on account of the religion, or the adherence of its votaries to the abdicated royal family, which was hostile to our constitution both civil and ecclesiastical? Does he believe that, if the catholics of that day had been as well disposed to the throne as they now are, these laws would ever have been passed? Because a protestant king should have it in his power to reward military merit in a few catholics, does he in his conscience believe that our protestant church will be in the least danger? If the king appoints a few catholic generals and admirals, does he think that the whole army and navy will instantly become catholic, and that we shall acknowlege the Pope and set up the mass through the kingdom? Surely we are as likely to submit to the Grand Lama, and to have the re ligion of Mohammed or Bramah established among us. If it be the fear of Popery that occasions us to refuse farther liberty to the catholics, never was a reason more destitute of foundation urged in fa vour of the continuance of any grievance. We advise the worthy deputy, and those who think with him on this subject, to consult their fears less, and their reason more. Art. 23. Short Remarks upon Recent Political Occurrences; and, particularly, on the New Plan of Finance. 8vo. 18. 6d. Hatchard. 1807. . The loose manner in which this pamphlet has been penned appears from the very paragraph with which it opens. The writer asserts that from the late cabinet had been excluded all who had been connected with Mr. Pitt: but the reverse of this fact was palpably the case; since it included those with whom he had been longest and most intimately connected. Surely Lords Grenville and Sidmouth, and their respective friends, come more within this description, than the members of his last unfortunate and inglorious administration; which, with the exception of Lord Melville, embraced no one who had belonged to his former cabinet. The Remarker accuses the same persons of representing in too unfavourable a light the state of the country, at the period of their entrance into office: but he admits that it was extravagant to describe them as reposing on a "bed of roses." He also allows that the aspect of the continent was discouraging; and a gloom,' he acknowleges, spred itself through the nation: but he contends that this was occasioned by the feeling entertained at the loss of Mr. Pitt. He asserts that the disasters of the continent were not under the controul of our ministers: but will he inform us whether Mack was not placed in the chief command, and the Archduke removed from the scene of glory, through the interference of the Cabinet of London? He contends that Mr. Pitt was a great master of the science of finance. The system of politics followed by Mr. Pitt rendered indispensible financial devices such as are here extolled but we do not believe that we owe them exclusively to the genius of Mr. Pitt. His merit is confined to that of proposing, upholding, and guarding them. with firmness and ability. All these discoveries in finance, perhaps, the country has more reason to lament than to applaud; since they seem to have no other effect than to enable ministers to increase to its utmost point the load of public exactions. The observations of the author on the financial plan of Lord Henry Petty, which is here stated to have been ably and perspicuously opened to the House of Commous, are candid, ingenious, and deserving of attention. NAVAL AFFAIRS. Art. 24. Naval Anecdotes; or a new Key to the Proceedings of a late Naval Administration. 8vo. 5s. C. and R. Baldwin. 1807. Much remark has been occasioned by the alterations in various departments of the naval administration, which were introduced by Lord St. Vincent; and the Admiralty Board and the Navy Board have been put at issue on some important questions. The present pamphlet seems to come with authority from the latter office, in defence of its own conduct, which had been impeached, and the vindication of which was elsewhere denied.It would be impertinent and preposterous for us to attempt any interference in these professional and official discussions: but we may truly observe that some of the points are very essential to the welfare of our navy; and that the reasoning and facts adduced in this publication amply intitle it to attention, while its temperate spirit (under circumstances certainly of provocation) is equally worthy of praise. FOETRY. POETRY. Art. 25: 1807. Knave and fool are the pretty words which contending factions bestow on each other with the most profuse liberality; and if we credit the account which each party gives of its opposite, we must despair of finding either talents or virtue in the world. Poets, when. animated with political enmity, mistake the bludgeon of calumny for the rod of rhimes; and, overwhelming public characters with the coarsest abuse, they hope that it will pass current as mere pungent satire. Polypus would have us believe that he is a man of no party, and that his poetic indignation and approbation are merited by the objects on which they are bestowed: but few readers, though they may be amused by his talents, can think that he weighs the talents of others in a fair scale. For one set of statesmen he has a smoaked and distorting glass, and for another a lens which throws a Claude Lorraine tint. Never, in short, was partiality more strongly marked, nor hatred more indiscreet and unrestrained. The high claims of the late Ministry, and the prodigality of flattery employed by their friends, might present a topic for satire and had Polypus reined in his Muse, he might have indulged a good-humoured laugh: but, in our opinion, he has suffered too much gall to flow from his pen. He classes Whigs with Bankrupts, Spendthrifts, and Traitors; and he would insinuate that all who profess whig principles must be black at heart. He" out Herods Herod" in some of his caricatures; and though in most of his verse and his prose he displays considerable genius, if he did not write the name under some of the portraits, it would be difficult to find out for whom they were intended. Moreover, Polypus is not always original, for he often copies Pope, and like him suffers satire to run riot. In the quantity and quality of his notes, also, be follows the example of the author of the Pursuits of Literature. Art. 26. Elijah's Mantle. A Poem. 8vo. Is. Stockdale junior. These lines have been widely circulcated and much praised. The compliment to Mr. Pitt is well managed, and the idea in the last stanza is beautiful: but the effect is injured by the harsh alliteration of cold corse,' which might be easily removed by reading pale corse. Art. 27. Yes, honour'd shade; whilst near thy grave The votive marble claim; O'er thy cold corse- -the public tear, The Uti possidetis & Status quo: a Political Satire. 8vo. This squib on the late Ministry throws its fire with brilliancy and effect. The satire is so playfully managed, that the very objects of it cannot be offended. Art. 28. Ins and Outs; or the State of Parties. By Chrononhotonthologos. A Satirical 8vo. 2s. 6d. Chapple. Poem. 1807. Not so highly seasoned with the sauce piquante of scurrility as "All the Talents," and consequently not so likely to run through many editions; because the people, in deciding between contending satirists, always give the preference to the most acrimonious and ill natured. If harmonious numbers and gentlemanly satire could procure for a poet any notice, this writer with a long name might count on some readers but we suspect that the taste of the public is too much vi tiated to relish any others than high dishes. Perhaps, however, the politics of this poem, compared with those of Polypus, may promote its sale. We give one specimen : Author. While Britain sees her proud insulting foe And smiles at danger, as she oft has smil'd,- That strives to sow dissention o'er the land, The satirist concludes with an unfashionable wish for peace; which, though formerly deemed a blessing, is now in very little request. Art. 29. Bonaparte. A Poem. 8vo. ts. 6d. Hatchard. The melancholy fate of the virtuous Palm induced this writer to express his rhiming indignation against the disturber of Europe; and he thought that if he could not harrow up Bonaparte's soul by a recital of his enormities, the catalogue would at least help to keep alive the public indignation against him. The shades of D'Enghien, Pichegru, Toussaint, Palm, of the Turkish prisoners at Jaffa, of the negroes at St. Domingo, &c. are made to pass in solemn march before him; and then the poet adds, Read if you can, unwarp'd by rage, The grave historian or the sage, Describing man, And |