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one that prevaileth, that is exercise, worketh more forcibly in them than in the rest.

The ancient habit of the philosophers, Si quis These that quærat in utramque partem de omni scibili.

follow are

but indi

notes.

The exercise of scholars making verses extempore, gested Stans pede in uno.

The exercise of lawyers im memory narrative. The exercise of sophists, and Jo. ad oppositum, with manifest effect.

Artificial memory greatly holpen by exercise. The exercise of buffoons to draw all things to conceits ridiculous.

The means that help the understanding and faculties thereof are,

(Not example, as in the will, by conversation; and here the conceit of imitation already digested, with the confutation, obiter si videbitur, of Tully's opinion, advising a man to take some one to imitate. Similitude of faces analysed.)

Arts, Logic, Rhetoric: The ancients, Aristotle, Plato, Theatetus, Gorgias litigiosus vel sophista, Protagoras, Aristotle, schola sua. Topics, Elenchs, Rhetorics, Organon, Cicero, Hermogenes. The Neoterics, Ramus, Agricola. Nil sacri; Lullius his Typocosmia, studying Cooper's Dictionary, Matthæus collection of proper words for metaphors, Agrippa de vanitatibus, etc.

Que. If not here of imitation.

Collections preparative. Aristotle's similitude of a shoemaker's shop, full of shoes of all sorts: Demosthenes, Exordia concionum. Tully's precept of theses of all sorts preparative.

The relying upon exercise, with the difference of using and tempering the instrument; and the similitude of prescribing against the laws of nature and of estate.

Five Points.

1. That exercises are to be framed to the life; that is to say, to work ability in that kind whereof a man in the course of action shall have most use.

2. The indirect and oblique exercises; which do, per partes and per consequentiam, inable these facul

Horat.
Sat. I. i. 25.

ties; which perhaps direct exercise at first would but distort; and these have chiefly place where the faculty is weak, not per se, but per accidens: as if want of memory grow through lightness of wit and want of staid attention; then the mathematics or the law helpeth; because they are things, wherein if the mind once roam, it cannot recover.

3. Of the advantages of exercise; as to dance with heavy shoes, to march with heavy armour and carriage; and the contrary advantage, in natures very dull and unapt, of working alacrity, by framing an exercise with some delight or affection.

Ut pueris olim dant crustula blandi

Doctores, elementa velint ut discere prima.

4. Of the cautions of exercise; as to beware lest by evil doing, as all beginners do weakly, a man grow not, and be inveterate, in an ill habit, and so take not the advantage of custom in perfection, but in confirming ill. Slubbering on the lute.

5. The marshalling and sequel of sciences and practices: logic and rhetoric should be used to be read after poesy, history, and philosophy; first, exercise, to do things well and clean; after, promptly and readily.

The exercises in the universities and schools are of memory and invention; either to speak by heart that which is set down verbatim, or to speak extempore: whereas there is little use in action of either or both; but most things which we utter are neither verbally premeditate, nor merely extemporal. Therefore exercise would be framed to take a little breathing, and to consider of heads; and then to fit and form the speech extempore. This would be done in two manners; both with writing and tables, and without: for in most actions it is permitted and passable to use the note, whereunto if a man be not accustomed, it will put him out.

There is no use of a narrative memory in academiis, namely, with circumstances of times, persons, and places, and with names; and it is one art to discourse, and another to relate and describe; and herein use and action is most conversant.

Also to sum up and contract, is a thing in action of very general use.

CX. Sir FRANCIS BACON to Mr. MATTHEW, Sir Tobie about his writings, and the death of a friend. Matthew's

SIR,

THE reason of so much time taken before my answer to yours of the fourth of August, was chiefly by accompanying my letter with the paper which here I send you; and again, now lately, not to hold from you till the end of a letter, that which by grief may, for a time, efface all the former contents, the death of your good friend and mine A. B. to whom because I used to send my letters for conveyance to you, it made me so much the more unready in the dispatch of them. In the mean time I think myself, howsoever it hath pleased God otherwise to bless me, a most unfortunate man, to be deprived of two, a great number in true friendship, of those friends, whom I accounted as no stage-friends, but private friends, and such, as with whom I might both freely and safely communicate, him by death, and you by absence. As for the memorial of the late deceased queen, I will not question whether you be to pass for a disinterested man or no; I freely confess myself am not, and so I leave it. As for my other writings, you make me very glad of your approbation; the rather, because you add a concurrence in opinion with others; for else I might have conceived, that affection would, perhaps, have prevailed with you, beyond that, which, if your judgment had been neat and free, you could have esteemed. And as for your caution, touching the dignity of ecclesiastical persons, I shall not have cause to meet with them any otherwise, than in that some schoolmen have, with excess, advanced the authority of Aristotle. Other occasion I shall have none. But now I have sent you that only part of the whole writing, which may perhaps have a little harshness and provocation in it: although I may almost secure myself, that if the preface passed so well, this will not irritate more, being indeed,

Collection of Letters,

P. 23.

Sir David Dalrymple's Me

morials

to the preface, but as palma ad pugnum. Your own love expressed to me, I heartily embrace; and hope that there will never be occasion of other, than intireness between us; which nothing but majores charitates shall ever be able to break off.

Interrogatories whereupon PEACHAM is to be examined.

Questions in general.

1. WHO procured you, moved you, or advised you, and Letters to put in writing these traiterous slanders which you relating to have set down against his majesty's person and government, or any of them?

the history of Great Britain in

the reign of

2. Who gave you any advertisement or intelligence James the touching those particulars which are contained in your First, p. 26. Edit, Glas- Writings; as touching the sale of the crown lands, the gow. 1762. deceit of the king's officers, the greatness of the king's

gifts, his keeping divided courts, and the rest; and who hath conferred with you, or discoursed with you, concerning those points?

3. Whom have you made privy and acquainted with the said writings, or any part of them? and who hath been your helpers or confederates therein?

4. What use mean you to make of the said writings? was it by preaching them in sermon, or by publishing them in treatise? if, in sermon, at what time, and in what place meant you to have preached them? if, by treatise, to whom did you intend to dedicate, or exhibit, or deliver such treatise?

5. What was the reason, and to what end did you first set down in scattered papers, and after knit up, in form of a treatise or sermon, such a mass of treasonable slanders against the king, his posterity, and the whole state?

6. What moved you to write, the king might be stricken with death on the sudden, or within eight days, as Ananias or Nabal; do you know of any conspiracy or danger to his person, or have you heard of any such attempt?

7. You have confessed that these things were applied

to the King; and that, after the example of preachers and chroniclers, Kings infirmities are to be laid open: this sheweth plainly your use must be to publish them, shew to whom and in what manner.pala per 47

8. What was the true time when you wrote the said writings, or any part of them? and what was the last, time you looked upon them, or perused them before, they were found or taken?

9. What moved you to make doubt whether the people will rise against the King for taxes and oppressions? Do you know, or have you heard, of any likelihood or purpose of any tumults or commotion?

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10. What moved you to write, That getting of the crown-land again would cost blood, and bring men to say, This is the heir, let us kill him? Do you know, or have you heard of any conspiracy or danger to the prince, for doubt of calling back the crown-land?"

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11. What moved you to prove, that all the King's officers mought be put to the sword? Do you know, or have you heard of any petition is intended to be made against the King's council and officers, or any rising of people against them?

12. What moved you to say in your writing, That our King, before his coming to the kingdom, promised mercy and judgment, but we find neither? What promise do you mean of, and wherein hath the King broke the same promise?

There follows in the hand-writing of Secretary Winwood,

Upon these interrogatories, Peacham this day was examined before torture, in torture, between torture, and after torture; notwithstanding, nothing could be drawn from him, he still persisting in his obstinate and insensible denials, and former answers.

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