matter, yet it carrieth much impression and enchantment. The general and common name of Græcia made the Greeks always apt to unite (though otherwise full of divisions amongst themselves) against other nations, whom they called barbarous. The Helvetian name is no small band to knit together their leagues and confederacies the faster. The common name of Spain (no doubt) hath been a special mean of the better union and conglutination of the several kingdoms of Castile, Arragon, Granada, Navarra, Valentia, Catalonia, and the rest, comprehending also now lately Portugal. For Language, it is not necessary to insist upon it; because both your Majesty's kingdoms are of one language, though of several dialects; and the difference is so small between them, as promiseth rather an enriching of one language than a continuance of two. For Laws, which are the principal sinews of government, they be of three natures; Jura (which I will term freedoms or abilities), Leges, and Mores. For Abilities and Freedoms, they were amongst the Romans of four kinds, or rather degrees. Jus Connubii, Jus Civitatis, Jus Suffragii, and Jus Petitionis or Honorum. Jus Connubii is a thing in these times out of use: for marriage is open between all diversities of nations. Jus Civitatis answereth to that we call Denization or Naturalization. Jus Suffragii answereth to the voice in Parliament, or voice of election of such as have voice in Parliament. Jus Petitionis answereth to place in counsel and office. And the Romans did many times sever these freedoms; granting Jus Connubii sine Civitate, and Civitatem sine Suffragio, and Suffragium sine Jure Petitionis, which was commonly with them the last. For Laws, it is a matter of curiosity and inconvenience to seek either to extirpate all particular customs, or to draw all subjects to one place or resort of judicature or session. It sufficeth that there be an uniformity in the principal and fundamental laws both ecclesiastical and civil. For in this point the rule holds which was pronounced by an ancient father, touching the diversity of rites in the Church; for finding the vesture of the Queen (in the psalm), which did prefigure the Church, was of divers colours, and finding again that Christ's coat was without 1 For those we called Leges: R. VOL. III. H Virg. a seam, he concludeth well, In veste varietas sit, scissura non sit. For Manners, a consent in them is to be sought industriously, but not to be inforced. For nothing amongst people breeds so much pertinacy in holding their customs, as sudden and violent offer to remove them. And as for Employments, it is no more but an indifferent hand, and execution of that verse: "Tros Tyriusque mihi nullo discrimine agetur." There remaineth only to remember out of the grounds of Nature the two conditions of perfect mixture; whereof the former is Time for the natural philosophers say well, that compositio is opus hominis, and mistio opus naturæ. For it is the duty of man to make a fit application of bodies together, but the perfect fermentation and incorporation of them must be left to Time and Nature; and unnatural hasting thereof doth disturb the work, and not dispatch it. So we see, after the grift is put into the stock and bound, it must be left to Nature and Time to make that continuum, which was at first but contiguum. And it is not any continual pressing or thrusting together that will prevent nature's season, but rather hinder it. And so in liquors, those mixtures which are at the first troubled, grow after clear and settled by the benefit of rest and time. The second condition is, that the greater draw the less. So we see when two lights do meet, the greater doth darken and drown the less. And when a smaller river runs into a greater, it leeseth both the name and stream. And hereof, to conclude, we have an example in the kingdoms of Judah and Israel. The kingdom of Judah contained two tribes; the kingdom of Israel contained ten. King David reigned over Judah for certain years, and after the death of Ishbosheth, the son of Saul, obtained likewise the kingdom of Israel. This union continued in him, and likewise in his son Salomon, by the space of seventy years at least between them both. But yet, because the seat of the kingdom was kept still in Judah, and so the less sought to draw the greater, upon the first occasion offered the kingdoms brake again, and so continued divided ever. after. Thus having in all humbleness made oblation to your Majesty of these simple fruits of my devotion and studies, I do wish, (and I do wish it not in the nature of an impossibility, to my thinking), that the happy union of your Majesty's two kingdoms of England and Scotland may be in as good an hour and under the like divine providence, as that was between the Romans and the Sabines. FRA. BACON. 5. With regard to the policy to be pursued in Ireland, which was perhaps the next question in immediate urgency, so impossible it was to stand still and yet so much depended upon the step taken,— Bacon had communicated his thoughts not long before to Cecil: and as Montjoy was now in England and a councillor, he had no pretence for interposing further in the matter at this time. But there was another question, if not so immediately urgent, yet of a far more vital character, which forced itself upon James's attention, and upon the answer to which hung consequences beyond all estimate or prediction; a question turning indeed upon arguments which lay within his own province and which he was well qualified to handle, but involving issues which it was hardly possible for him to appreciate. This was the dispute between the High Churchmen and the Puritans; which Elizabeth had bequeathed to him still unsettled, but yet (for a new King coming to it unembarrassed by personal antecedents, able to understand the fact, and willing to accept and make the best of it) in a condition apparently very favourable for settlement. : Elizabeth had made up her mind at the beginning of her reign how much innovation she would allow Protestantism was to go so far, and no further. Nor had she miscalculated her own position. To the last, when a wave threatened to encroach, she could rebuke it and it would go back. But the tide was coming in nevertheless; and had she reigned a few years longer, and in security from foreign enemies, she would have had to choose between making terms with the non-conformists and suffering from the want of subsidies. How she would have dealt with them, it is of course vain to conjecture. But I suppose her principal difficulty would have lain in her own mind and declared resolution. She would have had to retract a policy to which she stood publicly committed; and though I dare say she would have known how to do it and would have got it done, the difficulty would have been considerable. To James the thing was comparatively easy. He was not as yet personally committed : to either side in the controversy. He was not naturally disposed to sectarianism, in matters of opinion and doctrine, on any side. His tolerance towards Popery had no superstition in it: it arose not from an inclination to agree, but from a liberal admission of the right to differ. His objection to the Puritans was rather political than theological, and was in fact a legitimate counterpart of his objection to Popery he took them for a party which aimed to make the Church supreme over the King, and themselves supreme in the Church. But apart from the political tendency of their opinions, I do not find that he had any horror of the particular opinions which they held for he was naturally a Protestant, aware that Truth had many aspects, and willing to have all questions referred to reason. and argument. There was nothing therefore to prevent him from taking the course which seemed most politic and prudent. His difficulty was to know what was the prudent course for that depended upon the tendencies of popular opinion and the relative strength of parties; of which he had not yet the means of judging personally, and his advisers would no doubt tell him very different stories. : This was a question upon which Bacon, having been an active member of the House of Commons for nearly twenty years, had had good opportunities of forming a judgment. He had been (as we saw) by no means satisfied with the course formerly taken by the authorities in the matter: and being well aware of the weight of it, could not but be anxious that the chance should not be missed of taking up the right position now, when everything lay so fair and open for it; for as in differences between neighbours the question whether two families shall be friends or enemies for years to come will often depend upon the temper of the first answer, so in the larger theatres of the world the manner of entertaining the first motion for reform may decide whether there shall be peace or war half a century after. The right position no doubt was to treat the reformed Church as a living and therefore a growing body; subject to the condition of all growth, which is change: to dispose it to take in and digest into its own system as much as possible of all that was good in all that was new not to attempt to fix it in the shape which appeared to the wisest men then living to be the most perfect, but to leave it open to receive new impressions from the wisdom of other men and other times; and therefore to admit as disputable within its precincts all questions which were among well instructed and earnest men really matter of dispute: allowing as much liberty to each as was compatible with the liberty of all, and trusting to the natural authority of reason in a fair field to make good the truth against all assailants. In any subject except theology this would undoubtedly be allowed as the only rational way of proceeding. If a commission were appointed to frame rules for a school of natural science or profane history, no one would think of prohibiting the promulgation of theories inconsistent with those at present accepted and approved: or if any such thing were done the result might easily be foretold. The new schools which would not the less inevitably arise would come as enemies and antagonists of the old, and they would spend their time in quarrelling instead of enquiring. Now when the Scriptures were once accepted (as by all varieties of Protestantism they then were) for the supreme authority in matters of religion, the interpretation and application of them became a work of human science, subject to like conditions. To be pursued successfully it must be pursued freely. It is true that this was not a view which could then be taken by any party, in the Church or out of it. They all believed in orthodoxy, and each held it for a first duty to establish its own creed and exclude every other-if possible for ever. Not the less, however, was it the wisdom of the Protestant Church to make room for as many varieties of honest opinion as were not incompatible with each other; and it seems probable that the manifestation even of a tendency in that direction would have sufficed to draw towards it all that was most learned, weighty, and influential in the religious opinions of the time. For though the change of masters, joined with the general uncertainty as to the policy which would find favour with the new King, had awakened all hopes and set all discontents free to express themselves, and James was greeted at his entrance with many petitions for reformation in the orders of the Church, it is impossible to look through the list of particular alterations proposed without feeling that most of the points in question might have been left open without either danger or disturbance to the establishment. Where authority does not interfere, general opinion keeps order; and there can be little doubt that the great majority of churchmen, if left to themselves, would have followed the fashion, and so established as much uniformity in practice as was desirable. The danger was in giving it to be understood that nothing would be conceded for opposition to a government which threatens dissatisfaction to all alike is the one thing in which all varieties of dissatisfaction can agree. On the other hand, the indication of a willingness on the part of the Church to tolerate differences,-to allow more liberty for clergymen to think freely and to say freely what they thought,-would to a certain extent have satisfied them all, and united them in a common support of the government. And |