Delegates were accordingly appointed by the different States who met in convention for this pur pose. This was at a time and under circumstances peculiarly favourable to the defign. The attachments which we once felt for royalty, had been completely fubdued, by a long feries of tyrannical and vindictive oppreffion. Nor had the Republicar, name at this time, been difgraced by acts of cruelty and irreligion. The friendly ties which bound us together during the period of our common danger, had scarcely began to flacken; and invidious dif tinctions between the different States were made (if at all) with great caution. Party-fpirit, that Apol lyon of all popular governments as yet slept in filent embryo. (Would to GoD its fleep had been perpetual.) No fufpicious circumstances of perfonal power and aggrandizement, awakened either our jealoufies or our fears. Nor could we feel any, for at the head of this venerable affembly was our late ILLUSTRIOUS CHIEF. But not in arms like a perpetual Dictator, awing them into fubmiflion to his will. No.; for like Timolion when he faw his country free, he sheathed his fword and returned to the rank of a private citizen. Never was there an Affembly convened upon a more interesting and important occafion. For not only the prefent fate of their country, but the future destiny of unborn millions depended upon their decifions. They were to lay the foundation of an empire, the extent and duration of which it was impoffible to calculate. What an august spectacle was here! the Fathers of our tribes deliberately forming a plan of government. The volumes of antiquity were open before

them,

them, and the experience of all nations and ages enriched their difcuffions. After furveying the inter ests of the whole, and making fuch mutual concef fions as local circumstances required, they unani mously agreed in the effential articles of our prefent excellent Conftitution. It was then fubmitted again to the several States, and by them examined, approved and accepted, and thus became the fupreme law of the land. This it is conceived is literally a focial compact, what political writers have faid to the contrary, notwithstanding.

This facred inftrument ought to be confidered as the great charter of our rights and privileges, and as the foundation of our national civil policy. So long as we preserve it inviolate, and govern ourfelves according to its true fpirit, fo long we fhallcontinue to be a free people. It will be impoffible for defpotic power to fupport itself in America, until we bafely degenerate from the fpirit of our anceftors, and depart entirely from the principles of our confederation.

One great fecurity against the abuse of power, is the short tenure by which it is held. No offices are made hereditary, and for this plain reafon I conceive, that talents and virtue, which are effential qualifications, are not hereditary.

No country ever exhibited a fairer fpecimen of moral juftice than ours, nor can any be found of equal population where capital punishments are lefs frequent. It is not because we fuffer crimes to go unpunished,

Paley, fuppofes there never was fuch a thing as a focial compact, ftrictly speaking, but allows that this comes the neareft of any thing to be met with. See alfo Burgh's Polit. Difq.

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unpunished, but by encouraging fober habits and moral principles, we in a great degree prevent them. Our laws indeed are mild, and not like those of Drace, written in blood.

Religion, at all times effential to the well-being of fociety, though not established, is protected and encouraged by the laws of our country. This fentiment corresponds with that divine declaration, "By My kings reign and princes decree juftice;" importing, that they need CHRIST's religion to fupe port their tottering thrones, but that his caufe. could exist without their authority, No fectarian creed is impofed by law upon any man, nor have we any national formulary excepting the bible; and every man is at liberty to interpret this according to the dictates of his own confcience, and is accountable only to God for his errors,

Oppreffion may gain a temporary existence under the pureft government, by the mismanagement: of particular agents; but it ought not to be attribut ed to the laws, but to their perverfion.

The Conftitution of this Commonwealth declares. itfelf the friend and protector of every man, who de means himself quietly and peaceably as a good fubject, let his religious fentiments be what they may. It has alfo decreed, that "no fubordination of any one fect or denomination to another fhall ever be. established by law."

If it be acknowledged that men have a right to ferve GOD according to the light of their own understandings, then they cannot be conftitutionally deprived of the means of ferving him. It is not enough that the mind be left free; for the command

is,

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is, thou fhalt "honor the LORD with thy substance." What Mofes faid when he was about to leave Egypt will apply in the prefent cafe; "Our cattle alfo, said he, shall go with us, there fhall not an hoof be left behind; for thereof muft we take to ferve the LORD our GOD; and we know not with what we muft ferve the LORD until we are come hither."

It is with peculiar pleasure that we obferve at the present day, the increafing prevalence of chriftian candor and liberality. This candor it is hoped, is not the offspring of torpid indifferency; much lefs of infidelity; but arises from more just and enlarged views of the nature and genius of the gospel. While Christians are lefs zealous in defending fome of the outworks of the system, they ought to be more firmly united in fupporting the effential articles of the "Faith once delivered to the Saints."

Having thus confidered fome of our most effential rights both civil and facred which we poffefs, and which we hope to convey unimpaired to our children; fhall I be chargeable with vanity in saying, there never has been a nation whose history has come down to our knowledge, which has enjoyed civil and religious liberty in a greater degree than we do. If we are not a free people, I confefs it furpaffes my ingenuity to conceive how a people

can be fo.

We proceed SECONDLY to inquire, What are the means beft calculated to preferve our freedom, and to promote our happiness and profperity?

To which it may be answered, 1. That as all popular governments depend in a great degree on public fentiment, it is highly important that this fhould be enlightened.

It is an obfervation which I believe will not be cóntroverted; that the more defpotic a government is, the more ignorant the people generally are. It is undoubtedly the intereft of those in power to keep them fo. For were they once fo enlightened as to understand the nature of civil liberty, and to act upon any rational system in recovering their ufurp ed rights, it would be impoffible to keep them in subjection. It is justly observed by Paley, that "the physical strength refides in the governed." It is, therefore, truly astonishing to fee millions of rational beings, no ways "deficient in ftrength or courage," fubmitting to the will of a fingle tyrant; and with all the docility of the laboring ox, put their necks quietly under his yoke. Still to keep up this ignorance every manly fentiment is fuppreffed, and every ray of political light fhut out, and the flavish doctrine of nonresistance and paffive obedience inculcated, with all the zeal of fanaticifm, and enforced with the terrors of everlasting punishment.

In a representative republic juft the reverse of this becomes neceffary. Here, it is all-important that the people should be enlightened; as they are the acknowledged fource of all power, whether legiflative or executive. Correct political information, therefore, cannot be too generally and widely dif fufed.

As the public papers are the common medium of this information, it is of the highest importance to the well-being of fociety, that they should be conducted with intelligence and ability, and like a witness under oath, that they fhould "tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth." Pub

lic

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