Ar last the intelligence has arrived that Turkey unconditionally accepts the English proposal for a conference, and that Midhat Pasha and Safolt Pasha, two of the most distinguished names in recent Turkish history, have been appointed Plenipotentiaries Extraordinary on behalf of the Ottoman Government. All the Powers therefore enter the Conference, three of these with special delegates of the highest rank, armed with full authority. It is the final effort to maintain the peace of two continents, to avert a war which strikes every friend of humanity with dismay, but which recent events have done much to invite and encourage. The whole civilised world will concentrate its attention on the proceedings at Constantinople during the month of December, in the earnest hope that this supreme effort will succeed. The triumph of the Turkish arms— the utter collapse of Servian insurrection-the necessity cast upon Russia of either accepting a final pacification, or herself openly standing forward as an aggressive belligerent, bound to define her aims and policy, and justify them in the eyes of Europe-has rendered it necessary for Great Britain to take the matter into her own hands, and either accept the alternative of a more extended strife, or summon Europe into council to adjust a durable pacification. Diplomacy, insurrection, and ostensibly civil war, have done their best or worst; and the Powers at length agree to sit at the council board at the most critical moment of a turbulent and anxious year, to confer upon the Eastern Question, and give a final shape either to terms of compromise or

VOL. CXX.-NO. DCCXXXIV.

to the issues which will be finally committed to the arbitrament of the sword.

The English people have, as far as we can judge, unanimously recognised this Conference as a wise, judicious, and opportune expedient. They have observed with universal satisfaction that the task of watching and upholding the interests of England has been confided to Lord Salisbury, one of the most powerful Ministers of the day, known to be resolute and independent in his character and judgment, intimately acquainted with the policy of the Cabinet, and, as the ruler of India, long accustomed to regard this subject from the point of view of England's most vital interests. No better selection could possibly have been made. It is a pledge to Europe that the British representative will be or has been vested with the widest discretion that can possibly be trusted even to a special delegate. From the Cabinet downwards, men have "confidence in his abilities, in his grasp of the subject, and in the tact and firmness of his character." At Paris, Berlin, and Vienna, he will ascertain the views of the three leading Governments in Europe; at Constantinople he will confront the representatives of the two principals in the impending struggle. It is impossible to doubt but that through his means the European public will at length arrive at a clear perception of the real merits of this controversy; and that each Power in its turn must define more clearly than hitherto the position which it means to assume. clearing away of diplomatic vagueness and uncertainty may at least be looked for; terms of peace, or issues

3 E

A

of strife, must now be plainly stated. What attempt have the principal parties to this Conference made at present to define the views with which they enter it? So far as we are concerned, Lord Derby's despatch of October 30, addressed to Lord Augustus Loftus, is the most important document recently published. The publication of documents of this character, when the public mind is in a state of tension, as has been authoritatively remarked, always of the utmost significance. It indicates the approach of decisive resolves. Europe has, no doubt, studied this particular despatch with the closest attention; but only the professed partisans of opposition will subject it to such mean and paltry criticism as that which was indulged in by the Duke of Argyll. A column of observations found its way into the 'Daily News,' designed to show that there were some inconsistencies in point of date between the despatch and some speeches of Lord Beaconsfield! Patriotism must be in a most unhealthy subjection to party spirit before minute details of that kind, supposed to be injurious to a rival, eclipse in their interest all the grave and momentous considerations which that despatch involved. Looking upon it simply in the interests of humanity and the light which it throws upon the attitude of England in the coming Conference, our observations will have reference simply to those portions of it which are of broad and prominent importance. It is a summing up, as it were, of a litigant's case, with a view to a clear and accurate definition of it, in a way which others may readily grasp. It describes the mode in which our good offices were placed at the disposal of Servia, when six weeks' experience of warfare had reduced that rash and

unfortunate principality to despair. Early in September, England tendered and urged upon Turkey an armistice of not less than a month. Turkey practically complied with this demand. It submitted the terms of peace "entirely to the judgment and equitable consideration of the mediating Powers." England was satisfied with this; so was Russia; so, even, the Principalities. Lord Derby drew up the terms of pacification, which, after some discussion, especially with Austria, were unanimously adopted by all the Powers, Russia included. On the 25th September, Sir Henry Elliot communicated them to the Porte, which was willing further to suspend hostilities, in order to a settlement. The month of September, therefore, and the efforts of Lord Derby in the first three weeks of that month, were on the point of bearing fruit, in a satisfactory understanding being arrived at. But at this critical point Servia refused a further suspension of hostilities, upon grounds which threw away all pretence of honourable and straightforward dealing. Servia had changed her mind; in all probability Russia had changed hers also. They no longer wished for peace, for something had occurred in the interval inordinately to raise their hopes, notwithstanding that the terms already under consideration were far in excess of anything which the fortunes of war entitled Servia to expect. We need not dwell upon what that something was which thus obliterated the work of pacification. The agitation set on foot last September is a subject of which all its chief promoters are now heartily ashamed; and, in common generosity, it may now be dropped-at least, until the meeting of Parliament, when, unfortunately, the Opposition will be quite as much on its trial as the

Ministry, a result which, weakening as it does the critical power of the House of Commons, appears to us to be one which party leaders should scrupulously avoid. Assuming that the conduct of an Administration deserves repudiation and censure, it is little short of a national calamity that their opponents should have so acted that they are themselves the objects of a serious indictment, disqualified for the task of calling Ministers to account by the rash and ill-judged manner in which they took upon themselves a responsibility which they had no official knowledge or position in any way to justify or to render ordinarily prudent. Peace was not concluded. Prince Milan thought the suspension of hostilities ill defined, and the conclusion of a regular armistice was the sine quâ non of his condescending further to negotiate. He had risen from his knees, and, in presence of united Europe, assumed to be master of the situation. England was disgusted. Russia advised, but did not press him not to renew hostilities; in other words, urged him on. Turkey, in the meantime finding its offer to prolong the suspension of hostilities was in course of contumelious rejection, discovered that it had strong objections to the terms of peace. It objected to sign a protocol promising reform in the insurgent provinces, by which, in the view of the Turkish Ministers, "the prestige and authority of the Porte in all parts of the empire would be impaired." It also objected to the expression "local autonomy," as applied to these reforms. In all probability this does not express the final resolve of the Turkish Government. Forewarned of the attitude of Servia, it saved its pride in the presence of its rebellious vassal, and avoided the display of

too great eagerness for a pacification which was not to be avoided. Compare the character of the objections with the character of the original terms proposed by the Turkish Ministers, and one sees at once the difference between what they consider to be strictly due, and what they are prepared to concede to the wishes of united Europe. Contrast this with the conduct of Russia, who at the last moment would not press the Servians to desist from hostilities. The Russian Government was eager to carry out Mr Gladstone's programme, and occupy Bulgaria with a Bulgaria with a military force in the name of humanity, and, we presume, of some English Liberals. Ideas had grown since the beginning of the month, when England was appealed to for her good offices. Bosnia occupied by Austrians, Bulgaria by Russians, the united fleets entering the Bosphorus, sound like the beginning of the end,-the commencement of that scramble, with its illimitable dangers and momentous consequences, which Europe and Asia alike regard with terror and dismay. The formal proposal, however, which was finally made by Russia, was that the guaranteeing Powers should impose an armistice of six weeks on the contending parties, with a view to settle terms of peace. The English Government, however, adhered to its original prcposal of an armistice of not less than a month-rejected the Russian proposals with reference alike to armies, fleets, and forcibly imposing a six weeks' truce. We insisted upon our own proposal being accepted by the Porte, threatening to break off diplomatic relations and withdraw the embassy if it refused. We fail to see any undue opposition to Russia in all this; certainly there is no undue encouragement of Turkey. On the 5th October the proposal, or

demand, was made; on the 12th the Porte intimated its readiness to grant a regular armistice for six months. From that time Lord Derby had in his hands three questions of surpassing magnitude: the conclusion of an armistice, an agreement to confer, and the basis of pacification. These were no light matters to carry through; but he succeeded in all. And it is not a very rash conclusion that, next to his own unwearying industry, tact, and temper, he owes much of his success to the returning good sense of his countrymen, who, awakening

to the hollowness and mischief of an inopportune party agitation, rallied round the Minister, and gave him a steady and appreciative support.

Even the armistice was no slight matter to arrange. It had already broken down once, and this was a fresh attempt. The difficulty, however, did not come from Turkey, which plainly showed by its proposals that it was chiefly solicitous for the scrupulous observance of that armistice, and to prevent its evasion. Lord Derby therefore pressed its acceptance upon Servia, through the Russian and Austrian Governments. The quarter from whence difficulty and discouragement might be expected was at once apparent. "The Russian Ambassador expressed his doubts whether the armistice would be accepted at Livadia." With the knowledge that Mr Gladstone's speech and pamphlet were still circulating in Russia, and that the grossest misconceptions had arisen with regard to British policy and feeling, Lord Derby solemnly warned Count Schouvaloff-and apparently the warning did not arrive a moment too soon-that "however strong might be the feeling of national indignation against Turkish cruelties, it would be superseded

by a very different sentiment if it were once believed by the English nation that Constantinople was threatened." The rejection by Russia of the Turkish proposal would be regarded as indicating a fixed purpose of going to war; and "I entreated him to omit no effort to make his Government understand the light in which this resolution would be viewed by the English people." It is impossible to reconcile this attitude with the policy enforced at public meetings last September, and still apparently encouraged by Mr Lowe. One or other stands condemned; but, in our judgment, a vast majority of Englishmen applaud the policy of Lord Derby, and will support him resolutely and manfully. France and Austria urged on the acceptance of the six months' armistice; but Russia, although she had herself originally proposed one for three months, now objected to the proposal as inconvenient, from the length of time which it involved. Prince Gortschakoff would accept one only for a month or six weeks; and Italy also demurred to a long armistice. At this juncture Lord Derby appealed to Prince Bismarck as to whether he could exercise any influence over the settlement of this question of time. He did not see his way to do so; and her Majesty's Government feeling it hopeless to secure the acceptance of the Porte's proposal by Servia and Montenegro under the existing circumstances, temporarily withdrew from the case. Eventually, Prince Bismarck's suggestion of six weeks was adopted, with an option of renewal. No doubt, the question of time was all important from a military and strategic point of view; otherwise the spirit displayed would bode ill for the prospects of peace.

That difficulty settled, there arose the question of the Conference. The proposal again came from England, in lieu of a commission which had been previously suggested. This proposal, it was considered, from what had previously passed, would be acceptable to Russia; and all the Powers have finally adopted it, both Austria and France objecting to the exclusion of Turkey. It is to be hoped that this Conference, when at length it meets, will bring to its labours something of that freshness and largeness of view to which Lord Beaconsfield referred, in lieu of that local and limited view of matters which professional diplomatists, habitually distrustful of one another, are so apt to take. It is perhaps unfortunate that Russia cannot be induced to appoint a plenipotentiary; but, at all events, the presence of Lord Salisbury and Midhat Pasha must convince every one that England and Turkey will go to the full length of concession and reform which prudence and safety will permit.

The one subject which fills the minds of men at the present moment, and will engage their anxious attention for the next few weeks or even a longer period, is the chance of a peaceful issue to the wrangles of the last fifteen months which is offered by the Conference. The interminable and tedious literature of the Eastern Question which weekly and daily issues from the press is frequently engaged upon a purely party discussion. Specula

tions as to whether and when Ministers have changed their policy; whether their speeches have proved injudicious, their influence disastrous, their agents careless and misinformed; or whether, on the other hand, some leaders of Opposition have recklessly obstructed the best efforts of the Administration to se

cure the

peace

of Europe,-may now be laid aside or postponed till the result is known. The contests of party can be fought out when Parliament meets; and subject to the full reservation of unfettered criticism of the past and present policy of the Government, we maintain that the English public, of whatever shade of party, should give a unanimous and hearty support to Lord Salisbury's efforts at Constantinople.

To estimate the chances of success of a peaceful issue to their negotiations is a difficult task; but so far as it is known at present, we are inclined to a favourable view. The chief element in that consideration is, of course, the attitude and designs of Russia; second to that, and second only in a small degree, is the degree of conciliation and concession which Midhat Pasha will be allowed to exhibit. The Powers may unanimously accept the principles of the independence and integrity of the Ottoman empire, but it still remains for Turkey to join in putting upon that elastic phrase the only interpretation which will ultimately save the Porte from ruin. The conditions under which that empire may still continue to exist have to be discovered and agreed upon, in the face of one Power desirous that they should ultimately lead to its downfall, and another equally and blindly eager to resist those which, by securing its good government, would strengthen its vitality. The only course which England and her plenipotentiary can pursue was well expressed by Lord Beaconsfield at the Mansion House. As regards one set of influences and designs, we must adhere to the treaties which exist, and firmly oppose any attempt to violate the territorial integrity of Turkey, whether by military occupation or invasion. As regards the other set