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This may be true in part; but we hope to make it appear, that the national debt is far from being the principal fource of the high price of labour in this kingdom; that it operates very little that way, and that there are other more powerful causes of the high price of labour in our manufactories; the principal of which appears to be the general difpo-· fition of our manufacturing populace to idleness and debauchery. As in these arguments I may appear very paradoxical, I fhall not venture to make use of any, but such as are drawn from experience, our beft guide in these matters, or from the beft authorities. To say that taxes tend to lower the price of labour, is a paradox that experience alone will teach us how to explain; and which we shall do in a variety of inftances: indeed it is a truth known to almost every mafter of a manufactory in the kingdom, that when provifions are cheap, labour is always, relatively, dear. Yet I wonder not that the contrary opinion fhould prevail, as every one clearly fees, that if a populace can live cheap, they can afford to labour cheap; from whence it is erroneously concluded that they will do fo.

But those who have clofely attended to the difpofition and conduct of a manufacturing populace, have always found that to labour lefs and not cheaper has been the confequence of a low price of provifions; and that when provifions are dear, from whatever caufe, labour is always plentiful, always well performed, and of courfe is always cheaper than when provifions are at a low price.

To explain this, let us obferve, firft, that mankind, in general, are naturally inclined to eafe and indolence, and that nothing but abfolute neceffity will enforce labour and industry. Secondly, that our poor, in general, work only for the bare neceffaries of life, or for the means of a low debauch; which when obtained, they cease to labour till roufed again by neceffity. Thirdly, that it is beft for themselves, as well as for fociety, that they should be constantly employed.

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First, that mankind, in general, are naturally inclined to ease and indolence, we fatally experience to be true, from the conduct of our manufacturing populace, who do not labour, upon an average, above four days in a week, unless provisions happen to be very dear.-When this is the cafe, a general industry is immediately created; workmen croud about the houses of mafter-manufacturers, begging for work, almost at any rate; and they work five or fix days in the week initead of three or four. Labour being a kind of commodity, the quantity then offered tends to the lowering its price; and

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would do fo, unless art or violence intervened. Thus far the paradox is explained by experience; and thus far it is proved, that dearnefs of provifions tends to lower the price of labour in manufactories. But farther to prove this, the very reverfe happens, when wheat and other provisions are at a low price.— Tippling-houses and fkittle-grounds are then crouded inftead of their masters court yards. Idlenefs and debauchery take place, labour grows fearce; mafters are obliged to feek it, and court the labourer to his work; fometimes at an advanced price, in one fhape or another; frequently by lending him money, which is loft if the man dies; indeed, this advanced money is hardly ever repaid; for whenever a master attempts to ftop it, the journeyman applies to another, who, if he be a good workman, and the trade be brifk, will lend him money to pay his former mafter, and, perhaps, a little more; this is frequently the cafe in the crape manufactory at Norwich, where, I'am well informed, fome mafters lofe from fifty to eighty pounds a year in this way. In France, instead of fempting fervants from their places, no mafter will employ the fervant of another mafter, without firft knowing that the fervant is totally difengaged, and can obtain a very good character from his laft employer. The good confequences arifing from hence are obvious. But, then, this will alfo prove that the French have greater plenty of working hands, or that their manufacturing poor are more induftrious, and more folicitous to pleafe their employers than the manufacturing people in England are. One reafon, among many others, which I fhall produce, why the French are able to underfell us, is, the great regularity and order, obferved among their manufacturing people.

My fecond propofition is blended with the firft.

My third propofition was, that it is beft for themselves as well as for fociety, that the poor fhould be conftantly employed.'

But we fhall not quote what our author advances in fupport of this propofition, it being a proverb, that idleness is the mother of vice and mifery.

After this our author declares himself very ftrenuous for a general naturalization. But if it be confidered that all attempts of this nature have failed, furely any endeavour to renew it at the prefent time must be accounted a chimerical project. Befides, trade and manufactures ought not to be reckoned the fole objects of a state; a confideration to which all others ought to give place. It cannot be denied that regard ought to be had to the national language and character, both which must be

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confiderably affected by an inundation of foreigners pouring in upon us.

Having endeavoured by many arguments to confirm his favourite opinion, that dearness of provifions is advantageous to ́ manufactures, this writer lays down the nine following maxims relating to trade.

1. That the prosperity of the landed intereft of any state depends upon foreign commerce.

2. That the increase of the riches of a ftate, depends upon exporting more in value of its native produce and manufactures, than is imported of manufactured commodities from otherftates.

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3. That monoplies and exclufive charters are very prejudicial to the trade of a ftate, and, therefore, fhould be difcouraged.

4. That the increase of trade and navigation greatly depends upon the increase of husbandry and agriculture.

5. That the profperity of our trade depends very much on the encouragement given to our manufactures, on laws made relative thereto.

6 6. That the fuccefs of our trade greatly depends on the knowledge our nobility and gentry have of its various movements, connections, and dependencies, in a national light, as ambaffadors and fenators; and, more particularly, on the wife regulation of our board of trade and plantations.

7. That the profperity of our trade depends upon the judicious manner of laying and collecting our taxes, and upon the cafe, readiness, freedom, and cheapness of exportation.

8. That the profperity of this nation, as well as that of her colonies, depends very much on the harmony, good underftanding, mutual confidence, and upon the extenfion of their commerce with each other.

9. That the profperity, ftrength, riches, and even the well-being of this kingdom, depends on our being able to fell our native produce and manufactures as cheap, and as good in quality, in foreign markets, as any other commercial ftate."

Upon all thefe our author reafons, in our opinion, in a clear and diftin&t manner. What he fays on American affairs is contained in his remarks on the eighth maxim, which are too long to be here inferted, would be spoiled by an abridgement, and are well worth the attention of the reader.

Towards the end of this work the public is presented with a fcheme for the maintenance and employment of the poor, the prevention of vagrancy, and decrease of the poor's rates-This scheme is divided and fub-divided into a very great variety of articles, But we are forry that a great many of them appear chimerical

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The reader will perceive, that Arabert being an ecclefiaftic, the firft commencement of Leonora's paffion for him was criminal in no common degree. She knew that the laws of his order forbad him to marry, and that nothing but licentious pleasure could be the confequence of their mutual attachment. We mention this circumftance as a defect in the author's choice of a ftory; for it little becomes his readers to be concerned about the misfortunes of a monaftic profligate, however 'fuch a character may be checquered with fome other virtues; or a restlefs wanton, who follows him to detach his mind from the duties of his office and the completion of a folemn vow, though -the fuffers the extreme of mifery at laft. The paffion of too many deluded fair ones, is virtuous in its beginning; and if they fall, it is not without having fet out with the purfuit of honourable happiness. But who can commiferate the modern young lady, who leaves her friends to follow a nobleman already married; or a Leonora, who goes all lengths with a brother of one of thofe religious inftitutions who has bound himself by an oath to continue in a state of the strictest celibacy?

Let us not, however, fink the general merit of this performance in the want of judgment which Mr. Jerningham has shown in his selection of a fable. We have not lately perused any work more elegant and impaffioned through all its parts, than this before us. We could with indeed, for the author's fake, that we were lefs frequently reminded of Pope's Eloïfa, by ideas apparently borrowed from that celebrated epiftle; and would advife him for the future, not to lengthen or fhorten the names of his perfonages merely to save himself a little trouble in verfification. Let it be always Arabert or always Arabertus; Leonore or Leonora. We hope Mr. Jerningham will not reply, that Pope employs both Eloïfe and Eloïfa; for perhaps what might be permitted to him, will not be fo eafily allowed to another.

We are forry that the neceffity of introducing long quota. tions in our firft article, has prevented us from entertaining our readers with fome extracts from this poem, though we fincerely recommend to them the perufal of the whole.

X. Two Mathematical Efays: The firft on Ultimate Ratios, the fecond on the Power of the Wedge. By the Reverend Mr. Ludlam. 8.v0. 2s. 6d. Cadell.

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T HE doctrine of prime and ultimate ratios being of the utmoft confequence in analytical inquiries, and in itself a very difficult fubject, every fuccefsful attempt towards obvi. ating the objections which have been made againft this me

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thod of reafoning, as not being fcientific, cannot fail of meeting with a favourable reception from all true lovers of mathematical and philofophical difquifitions.

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In the work before us (which feems to be extremely well defigned for the abovementioned purpofe) the ingenious author has, by a great variety of convincing arguments, removed the difficulties which have been started concerning the proof of the method of prime and ultimate ratios, introduced by Sir Ifaac Newton into the first book of his Mathematical Principles of Natural Philofophy, where, by way of lemma, it is fhewn, that quantities, and the ratios of quantities, which in any finite time converge continually to equa lity; and before the end of that time approach nearer the one to the other, than by any given difference, become ultimately equal. This Mr. Ludlam has illuftrated algebraically, in a very curious manner; and juftly obferves, that although the ratio of equality may be strictly called the limit of the va rying ratio of the propofed quantities, yet the terms of this ratio can never be ftri&tly faid to be equal, no not ultimately equal, fince that plainly fuppofes an ultimate flate in which they are equal; no nor equal when they vanish into infinity, or when they step out of finite existence into infinity. There is no finite quantity next to infinity; no number (for inftance) which is the next number to infinity, and therefore no step out of finite into infinite. Neither is there any ftep out of a state of nothingness into finite exiftence. There is no fraction so small as to be the very next fraction' to`nothing. No fraction can ever be affigned fo fmall, but another fraction may be affigned that is finaller. Nor can we fay in ftrictness, that two infinitely great numbers with a finite difference are equal, it being a proportion plainly abfurd and contradictory. There is no fuch thing in nature as an infinitely great number; and it is contradictory to fay of any two numbers, both that they have a difference, and that they are equal. Whoever confiders that the idea of infinity is a general or abftra&t idea, that the idea of number is always particular, that infinity is a property of number, a property of extenfion, &c. not any number, not any extenfion, &c. itself, will eafily fee, that these, and fuch like expreffions, can have no literal meaning; for by faying that number or that extenfion is infinite, we mean only to affert the impoffibility of limiting the increase of number, or the increase of extenfion. We mean to affert the abfurdity of fixing upon any particular number how great foever, or any particular extenfion how large foever, as the largest poffible number, or the greateft poffible extenfion.

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