Bistory. WAS NAPOLEON BONAPARTE WORTHY OF THE ADMIRATION OF THE FRENCH PEOPLE? AFFIRMATIVE ARTICLE.-I. IN considering the question under discussion, we have need to guard against national prejudice. We require, as judges, to put ourselves in the position of the French people. We should take liberal views of character, and of that which constitutes national glory and renown. We presume, however, that the readers of this periodical will possess the wisdom to judge of Napoleon as public men are generally judged, in relation to the condition of things in which they live, and not according to that high ideal, which the lives of most of those who pretend to reach it, painfully belie. Judging of Napoleon's character by the standard which existed around him, and by the national characteristics of the French, we do not hesitate to affirm that that character is worthy of the admiration which France, by many pregnant proofs, has bestowed upon it. It will require, indeed, overwhelming testimony to show that the French were wrong in paying that devotion to Napoleon which they did when he was alive, and at so considerable a distance of time, and after so much national disaster, in calling to the chief power of the. State, so unanimously, one bearing his name. It would be as difficult to show that Great Britain was altogether blind and foolish in the admiration which she has felt for the character of Wellington. That France, so liberal, so noble, and so generous, finds, even now, in the Napoleon dynasty, her refuge from despotism and anarchy, is a standing fact, the import of which can scarcely be misunderstood. In condemning Napoleon's character, we virtually condemn the French. Napoleon was the servant, as well as the master of France. He was allowed to rule because he laboured for the good of the State, both in its internal affairs, and in maintaining its nationality. France made him what he was. The multitude of men are mere machines. Their wills are weak, and they do not possess those aspirations which prompt extraordinary efforts. To become great, it is essential that a man should be able to control events, to master circumstances. Every one who would rise above a merely mechanical existence, must break this chain. Of energy, of will, and strength of character, Napoleon is a striking illustration, and, we may add, a noble example. His character is so far worthy of the admiration of the world. He shows us what powers man might put forth. We may be assured also, that moral strength was Napoleon's unfailing impultion of this; without it, he would have manifested only a little energy, and then speedily have sunk amidst the contempt of Europe. From early life Napoleon displayed that energy of will to which we have referred. He had that firmness, and courage, and generally those mysterious qualities which single out some men, even in retirement, or while limited to the studies of early life. But he manifested something far higher. The more candid of our opponents will acknowledge that at first he was, at least apparently, actuated by noble and generous motives. Napoleon saved the liberty of France, which was likely to have fallen a prey to the degraded monsters of the Republic, or to the despotism of foreign invasion. He gave a proper direction to the cause of freedom, one which it long retained. We will attempt to show this, however, more in detail. The Directory of the Republic, from their want of capacity, and the disordered condition of the national finances, had left the army in Italy without a proper supply of clothing or of food. Intense were the sufferings of the French in Italy; but, animated as they became by the enthusiasm of the youthful warrior, they triumphed over every obstacle. That success which it was of vast importance for France now to show, was accomplished by Napoleon. Then came the Egyptian campaign. The jealousy of the Directory at the rising fortunes of the future Emperor, withal so sad in many of its incidents-was brought to a termination, partly by the large army of Napoleon, and in some measure from a conviction of the hopelessness of the cause of royalty, and also from the growing conviction of the justice of Napoleon's measures, and the promised stability of his reign. Clemency was shown to those who surrendered. They were welcomed with enthusiasm; and the nation became outwardly at least united. In his foreign relations, Napoleon was equally skilful, if not quite so successful. Russia, Austria, Prussia, and England, had previously leagued together to promote the cause of the Bourbons. The three powers. first named were wedded to absolutism: on no account would they accept and acknowledge the government of Napoleon. England had Mr. Pitt for its prime minister, and he was personally averse to anything short of the restoration of the Bourbons. Toryism, that villainous compound, was then rampant in the United Kingdom. Napoleon was compelled to go to war; but, before doing so, he appealed in the humblest manner to England and Germany; but his fervent entreaties were in vain. which they feared would prove subversive of their own ignoble authority-a jealousy natural to the men of mere mediocrity, whom the Revolution had called to a prominence for which they were unfitted-prompted them to throw every barrier in his way. But without openly setting them altogether at defiance, he gradually advanced in power. The Directory came to an end. France had been brought to the brink of ruin. At this time, the success of Napoleon's arms at once made him universally regarded as one who could occupy an influential part in the government of the kingdom. He was elected one of the three provisional consuls who, on the fall of the Directory, were selected for the office of government, and the preparation of a constitution. Bonaparte virtually assumed the chief authority amongst his colleagues. The plan of a constitution had been for years elaborated by Sieyes, one of the three consuls. Napoleon, however, made many alterations in it, and undertook the task of active government. Meanwhile, he gradually restored France to a condition of prosperity. The combined activity and skill which he displayed in his military movements, were On England we mainly throw the blame carried into the civil government of that of the commencement and prolonged continukingdom. The enumeration of his remedial ance of the great European war. Had it not measures, both before the adoption of the been for her alliance with despotism, there constitution, and after it had become law, would not have been war. Let not England would carry us beyond our limits. He ap- brand the character of Napoleon. She it pointed the ablest men to the public service. was who roused within his breast the miliIt was his habit to select men to high offices tary spirit which had lain dormant since the who were opposed to his reign, thus gradually campaigns of Italy and Egypt. She it was foiling opposition, and promoting the best who incited the desire of conquest, of aggraninterests of the nation. This was the case dizement, which she so falsely points out as with the chiefs of La Vendée; and while it one of the chief features of the French chawas a bold and fearless policy, it also dis-racter; and she, the conqueress of the Indies, played a generous spirit. The proscriptive has chosen all along to frown upon the conmeasures of the Directory were annulled. queror of Europe, as if his acts were those of The desecration of the ancient altars of a demon, and hers those of a saint! The France by that infidelity which, had it long reason is obvious. Napoleon prepared the continued, would have utterly destroyed nations for liberty. Napoleon punished both the morality and the outward prosperity England for her restless ambition. True he of the kingdom, was brought to a close, and was ultimately overthrown; but not till after the clerical orders generally allied themselves a long war, and after entailing on to the constitution. Although certain re- country a heavy burden of taxation : this strictions were laid on the press, the nation is the secret of our national hatred to enjoyed a substantial freedom, which it did Napoleon. He defended France against the not possess during the reign of the Directory. despotic hordes which threatened to destroy The war of La Vendée for the restoration of her nationality. He raised her to the rank the Bourbons, a war so destructive to the of a great military power whose very name repose of France-while so romantic, and long inspired the oppressed millions of Europe our higher offices of the army. The simple but touching prize of the Cross of the Legion of Honour, with its accompanying meagre pension, was bestowed on those in every rank of life who had acted with courage and with magnanimity. The circumstance that the efforts of Napoleon to protect France from the overwhelming forces of her enemies, were for a time defeated, could not be expected to diminish the admiration of the French for Napoleon's character. He did not forget France in his reverses and misfortunes. Witness his escape from Elba; his deliverance of his beloved land from the sway of the Bourbons; and the gigantic energies which he put forth to prevent the French nationality from being overthrown. France could not forget him, when enduring the tortures which England inflicted upon the victim of her cruel and selfish policy at St. Helena. She could not but cherish his memory during the long period in which she had to suffer the tyranny of the restored Bourbons, or that of the treacherous Louis Philippe. The example of Napoleon led her to throw off both of these yokes. The argument which we understand some men to use, that, because Napoleon was ultimately unsuccessful, his character is therefore unworthy of admiration by the French, we think altogether groundless. Not alone, however, for his devotion to France, is his memory revered, but still more because he is regarded as an ideal of humanity as the manifestation of views adverse to hereditary tyranny, which recognize in some measure the worth of man as man; views, which in one form or another, will ere long be triumphant over the globe. At all events, it is evident that the admiration of France for Napoleon was a deep and absorbing passion; one which, except on the presumption that he was worthy of it, must be inexplicable to every true philosopher. To say that the French mind is so superficial and so weak, that it is naturally led astray by gilded hypocrisy, and vain ambition in its rulers, is to arraign that Power who has bestowed on the nations their various mental and moral characteristics. with the desire for freedom from the oppressive monarchies whose yoke had been for ages submitted to silently. He aided the European nations in their struggles for liberty, and broke the spell which had so long enchained them. So gloomy indeed were the prospects of liberty in England, when Napoleon appeared on the European stage, that by many of our countrymen he was regarded as one sent to deliver them from tyranny, and his landing on our shores would have been hailed with satisfaction by millions of the sons of Britain. It is well known that Ireland watched the struggle with intense anxiety, and longed for the day when he should set her free from the grasp of England. Napoleon believed, and doubtless for good reasons, that if he could have reached England, he would have been opposed merely by the Government and the military. He proposed to give us a new constitution; one which, unlike the old despotic constitution, would have recognized the rights, and enthroned the power of the people. Before going farther, we contend that we have shown ample reason, not merely for the admiration which France entertained for Napoleon, but for enshrining his name amongst the noblest heroes of the world. It would have been an act of national ingratitude, for which we should have been the first to blame them, had the French not cherished the name, and revered the memory, of one who did so much for them. The Frenchman cannot look round upon the capital of his country, the centre of civilization and of liberty, without beholding reasons to venerate Napoleon's memory. No operation was too vast for him; no task, however small, that could minister to the happiness of France was neglected by him. From the centre to the circumference, we see everywhere the evidences of his vast and benignant reign. Not only does Paris owe to Napoleon her noblest buildings, but he promoted public works of great utility throughout the country. His sleepless energy prevented France from falling a prey to the tergiversation and corruption which have crept, in the old monarchies, into all the departments of the State. Merit was rewarded, that in England It is not our present intention to reply to would have met with cold neglect. Talent the article of "Sigma." We beg leave, howand worth were regarded as the only requi-ever, to thank him for the second and fourth sites for Government appointment. The paragraphs. He shows forcibly from what private soldier was not excluded from the terrible evils Napoleon rescued France; that families have tyrannized over Europe for ages; families destitute of moral worth or intellectual capacity. Indeed, all governments are more or less arbitrary. The French could not tolerate the Bourbons; the Republic, as previously existing, had shown itself a grosser tyranny than any consulate could be; and the nation was threatened by foreign invasion. On these grounds we contend that France acted wisely in her choice of Napoleon, first as Consul, and afterwards as Emperor. It is said, however, he was actuated merely by ambition in accepting the chief power of the State; but this we dispute. Where is the evidence of mere ambition in the young warrior who gained the fresh laurels of Italy, and sustained the fierce fight of Egypt! Was Napoleon ambitious, because, when France was on the brink of ruin, he came forward as her deliverer amidst the plaudits of the people; and passed a life of hardship and toil in protecting her nationality, and spreading the light of freedom throughout enslaved Europe. The fact is that this accusation has arisen from mere prejudice. The world has taken up the cry of ambition --at first circulated by the enemies of France-without inquiring whether it had the least justice in it. The same calumny was uttered for centuries against Cromwell; but men begin to regard him as a hero, and the Protectorate as the greatest glory of our history. Future ages, as the vast influences of Napoleon's career are developed throughout Europe, will do justice to his character. This bugbear of ambition will not stagger the judgment, or prevent general admiration. We would here, in passing, afford a specimen or two of the manner in which Napoleon's character has been treated. Bourrienne* relates that Leon Aune, a sergeant, having been included in the first presentation of sabres by the First Consul, wrote to Napoleon, thanking him for the gift, on which he received a letter in reply, eulogising the soldier in the warmest manner. Bourrienne adds-"This cajolery to a soldier answered well the purpose which Bonaparte proposed. The letter to Aune could not fail of circulating through the whole army. Only think of the First Consul, the greatest general of France, calling a sergeant his he was called to the office of Consul by the unanimous voice of the people; and be makes general admissions regarding Napoleon's talent which go far in our favour. Presuming that it was proper for the French to confer on Napoleon the powers which they did, it is evident that he possessed those qualifications which entitled him to aspire to the chief office in the State. What would have been a mere indication of vanity in others, was natural and justifiable in Napoleon. He was born to command, to direct the destinies of nations. We have not space to add anything to the remarks of "Sigma," on the subject of Napoleon's greatness and clearness of intellect, his perseverance, industry, and the simplicity of his habits. Mr. Emerson, in a few graphic pages, presents a portrait of Napoleon with reference to such characteristics. Even in the unfavourable view which he takes of Napoleon's character he shows that the latter does not merit the odium which so generally covers it. Referring to the two classes,-conservatives and democrats,-into which society is divided, he says,* the second class is that "of business men in America; in England, in France, and throughout Europe, the class of industry and skill; Napoleon is its representative. The instinct of active, brave, able men, throughout the middle class everywhere, has pointed out Napoleon as the incarnate democrat. He had their virtues and their vices: above all, he had their spirit or aim." Attend to this, ye money loving men, who complacently take up the talk of a pseudo morality, and asperse the character of Napoleon. We do not grudge you your well known industry and skill, but we contend that Napoleon's is a far higher and nobler character than your own; but even were it not so, we should admire it as displaying the same essential We maintain that France was guilty of no error in calling on Napoleon to fill the office of Consul; in committing herself to the dominion of a single individual, one who had shown himself to be possessed powers fitted for so important a trust. His was an arbitrary government, but one which the necessities of the times demanded. Even in constitutional monarchies, nations are practically ruled by a few. Single features. of brave comrade!" Again, Bourrienne states, that there had been brought from Italy a bust of Brutus, who had sacrificed tyrants. "This," says the biographer, "was the very thing wanted; and David received instructions to place Junius Brutus in the gallery of the Tuilleries. What more convincing proof of a horror of tyranny?" Thus, instead of regarding those acts as sincere, the attempt is artfully made to turn them against Napoleon's character, Thus slender are the threads which, artfully woven together by Napoleon's detracters, present to the eyes of the world a woof of hypocrisy and ambition. Upon principles like these, the character of no one would be safe. These remarks are particularly true regarding Napoleon's alleged ambition. Because he accepted the office of Consul, it is insinuated that he was actuated by ambition; from the same motive he would insult an ambassador, and then rush into a war. Admitting for a moment, however, that ambition was Napoleon's ruling passion, it was not an ambition simply to promote his family aggrandizement and power. France called him to the offices which he filled; he devoted his life to her service. He saved her from the Jacobins; from the Bourbons; from the combined powers of Europe, which would have crushed her, as Russia did Poland. True, he saved her at an immense cost of human life; but the nationality of France was worth the sacrifice. Better was it that her sons should perish on the plains of Egypt, or be wrapped in the windingsheet of the Russian snows, than that France should be crushed beneath the fetters of Austrian absolutism, or English oligarchy. When we are told of the loss of human life in the European wars, let us not charge it on Napoleon. Let us remember too that there are worse things even than death; and let us ask ourselves the question-had Napoleon not arisen, what would have been the condition of Europe? Liberty might have slumbered for ages; or the millions might have begun a struggle against their despotic monarchies, which, without the potent leadership of Napoleon, would have ended by riveting more firmly the chains of despotism. But we must pause. Tell us not that because Napoleon invaded other nations he was therefore personally ambitious. He sought, by doing so, to rescue them from slavery, and to promote that French influence which he and France believed to be essential to the good of Europe. In doing so, he is surely worthy of the admiration of the French; and he cannot be justly accused of mere ambition. No; his devotion to France, and the consequent devotion of France to him, are the great facts of his history, and present the true solution of his character. In proof, however, of Napoleon's personal ambition, "Sigma" refers to the division which he made of his newly acquired territories amongst members of his family, and among his generals. Who does not see that it was necessary to ally these nations to France, and that this was the most effectual means of doing so? There is here no personal ambition. Who denies to our statesmen a real patriotism because there are certain offices which they distribute for personal or political purposes? But even if personal ambition was his chief motive, Napoleon's character is worthy of the admiration of France. To what a large extent does ambition influence the conduct of other rulers, and of public men generally, whose services we are ready to recognize! Although ambition has sometimes proved baneful to the world, to it also is owing to a large extent the energy and skill which are put forth in public life. Even if Napoleon's great aim was to dwell in the Tuilleries, and to wear the crown of France, of what should the people complain? were they not justified in their admiration, if—as we contendhis power was used for the benefit of the State? Napoleon certainly believed he was raised up for an important work; that he was guided by some mysterious star. "They charge me," he observed, “with the commission of great crimes: men of my stamp not commit crimes. Nothing has been more simple than my elevation; 'tis in vain to ascribe it to intrigue or crime; it was owing to the peculiarity of the times, and to my reputation of having fought well against the enemies of my country: I have always marched with the opinions of great masses, and of events. Of what use then would crimes be to me?" Great allowance must be made for men, who, like Cromwell and Napoleon, believed themselves to be commissioned to perform some important part on the theatre of public life. They were urged on by a mysterious impulse; and the barriers do |