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after his defeat at Acre, on his return to to deceive our fellow man. This crime is Egypt, he gave orders to poison four hundred the more contemptible in Napoleon as he of his own troops who were in the hospitals exercised it alike on friend and foe; all at Jaffa, but of course this in him was no became his dupes, all fell into his snares. crime! Posterity will ever stamp with Ambition and perfidy are two of the worst indelible infamy these blots on Napoleon's passions existing in this fallen world of ours, escutcheon, while they will record with and the man who harbours them in his admiration the answer of the chief of the bosom is one who can not be trusted even by medical staff, when the proposal for the his friends, and all his contemporaries will poisoning was made to him-" My vocation join in despising his character. is to prolong life, and not to extinguish it." In conclusion, we have in opposition to our friend T. U., attempted to prove that Napoleon was ambitious, and nothing less than the dominion of Europe could satisfy his insatiable thirst for power and glory, and that this ambition led him to perpetrate acts of the greatest cruelty. But further, we have endeavoured to prove that Napoleon was guilty of constant and systematic perfidy, and if there is one crime more execrable than another, it is this propensity

But here we pause, not for want of additional matter, but in order that a wide field may be left for those who shall follow in the negative of this debate. We have presented concisely our own reasons for not according to Napoleon that admiration which has been too generously lavished upon him, and we conclude with the heartfelt hope, that from amid our war of words, TRUTH will come forth clothed in her proper apparel, and armed with her native power. Glasgow.

WALTER.

Politics.

CAN SCOTLAND REASONABLY COMPLAIN OF INJUSTICE FROM ENGLAND? NEGATIVE REPLY.

"Be not a public orator, thou brave young British man, thou that art now growing to be something: not a stump orator, if thou canst help it." "There where thou art, work, work; whatsoever thy hand findeth to do do it with the hand of a man, not of a phantasm-be that thy unnoticed blessedness and exceeding great reward. Love silence rather than speech in these tragic days, when, for very speaking, the voice of man has fallen inarticulate to man; and hearts, in this loud babbling, sit dark and dumb towards each other."-Carlyle.

In our opening article we referred, by anticipation, to the more prominent grievances of which the advocates of Scottish Rights complain. We shall now reply, in the first place, to the additional alleged grievances brought forward by our opponents in the course of this debate; noticing, at the same time, so far as we think necessary, the arguments introduced by them regarding the matters in dispute to which we have already adverted. In the second place we shall answer the remarks of our opponents on our own article.

In adopting the arrangement now stated we respectfully crave a careful re-perusal of our introductory paper, and particular reference to the different parts of the articles on the opposite side, to which we shall reply:

1. "Walter" asserts that Edinburgh has to maintain a prison, but that being the metropolis of Scotland, it ought to receive aid from Government for that purpose, as London and Dublin do for their police establishments. We reply that London is the capital of the empire, and the seat of the administration. Ireland has a separate government, situated in Dublin. It is proper, under these circumstances, that the police should be a Government force. The capital, beyond any other part of a kingdom, should be carefully protected. There is as much danger from inattention to the seat of government, as from a stringent system of centralization. So far as the Legislature can make it so, London, in particular, should, in regard to

protection and to decoration, be worthy of the capital of the world. What patriotic Frenchman, inhabitant it may be of Normandy or Burgundy, does not feel a just pride in the strength, or noble buildings, and fine gardens of Paris? He feels that those features of the capital exist not merely for it, but for the benefit of France. It is left for Scotchmen, in violation of the principles of the Union, to murmur at what is done for the capital of Great Britain. Edinburgh can have no claim for such assistance, any more than Glasgow or Liverpool, although the name of the capital is retained by it. We are certain that if the whole question had been a demand of Edinburgh, for the support of her police establishments, on account of her being the Scottish capital, Glasgow would have resisted the claim, or asserted her own claim in preference, as containing the larger population, and would have treated with disdain the plea that Edinburgh was the capital. Indeed, the lord of the treasury commissioned by Government to inspect certain parts of Edinburgh, with a view to the erection of a geological museum, was beset in Glasgow by an application to give that city the preference; Scotchmen, therefore, if not primed by an absurd agitation, cannot see the claims of one of the Scottish towns beyond another, except on the ground of population. Regarding the Irish police, Sir A. Alison remarks that they consist of 12,400 66 as brave and as good soldiers as any in the world," mainly paid by Government. The police in Ireland are a military force, kept up to prevent rebellion, and that because they are unfortunately necessary in Ireland, Government should pay for a police establishment in Edinburgh is not, we think, a sound argument. "Walter" says we have only one harbour of refuge in Scotland, whereas in England five are in course of construction. Port Patrick harbour, it seems, had only £2,556 expended on it; and this sum, it is stated, was given merely to secure the safety of the Irish steamers, and from no particular regard for Scottish interests. Certain plans were no doubt ordered, and estimates taken, and the work executed according to these. The smallness of the sum expended proves nothing against Government. The statement that the safety of the Irish steamers was the only object is groundless. Harbours of refuge are very im

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portant, and have long been needed along the coasts of the kingdom. Government has accordingly commenced this good work in certain quarters; and it has been actuated with a desire to supply the wants of the more inportant maritime places first, or where wrecks most frequently occur, irrespective of their being English or Scotch localities. English vessels can find natural shelter on the Scotch coasts, particularly in the West; but Scotch ships have little or no shelter on the English coasts. These facts show that the Admiralty has done right in establishing harbours of refuge in England, in the first instance. Walter," u ,"under his fifth division, enumerates a variety of alleged grievances. The first of these is the state of Holyrood Palace. On this point Lord Eglinton thus supports his friend "Walter:"- We have no Windsor; no Buckingham Palace; no St. James's; no Kensington; no Hampton Court; we have only poor old Holyrood, with her falling galleries, her roofless chapel, and her wasted park." In answer, we refer to our opening article; and we trust, looking to what Government has done for Holyrood and her "wasted park," we have satisfied Walter; at least, "A Thomac," seems, in his remarks, tacitly to admit that there is here no grievance, while he blames us for speaking of the sum expended on Holyrood Palace prior to 1830 as squandered. We have no hope, however, that common sense, or plain facts, would satisfy one who can utter such rhodomontade as Lord Eglinton has done. In addition to what we have previously said, we remark that since 1830 large sums have been laid out on Holyrood; and preparations are being made for various improvements on it and the neighbourhood. In connexion with the alleged grievance now referred to, Walter complains that the Scottish Exchequer Court, which, he says, had the power of granting money for the maintenance of public buildings, has, in violation of the Act of Union, been abolished, or rather amalgamated with the Court of Session; and other gentlemen on the same side complain of the discontinuance of certain courts, besides that of the Exchequer, in Scotland. This kind of complaint goes far to prove that the movement we object to is a Tory scheme; at least that its spirit is of that kind. Before the Reform Bill the sums expended on Holyrood were murmured against, as a

waste of public means. Some of our law | the words, "subject to such regulations and courts, such as the Exchequer, Commissary, alterations as Her Majesty, her heirs and and Admiralty Courts, were regarded as successors, or the Parliament of Great nearly useless, and as nests of political Britain, shall think fit." It is true the corruption. This was the truth. The office fourth section concludes with the words, of judge was a political sinecure,—the ques-"except where it is otherwise expressly tions of jurisdiction which arose out of those agreed in those articles;" but this is one of courts were numerous, perplexing, and led those legal subtilties the meaning of which to much expense. In the course of that Law in public Acts of Parliament is well underReform which was so loudly called for, the stood. Again, particular parts of the Act separate jurisdiction of the courts referred to of Union are declared to be fundamental and was taken away; and we think that this was essential conditions in all future time; but a wise procedure. Referring particularly to such conditions are understood to be binding the Exchequer Court, we have no evidence only on the contracting parties, not on their that it had the right to make grants of money successors. According to the true import for Scottish buildings. The peculiar rights of the Union, England and Scotland were of the ancient Scottish exchequer, so far as made one people, acting through the same inconsistent with the supreme authority of Legislature. It is essential to the spirit of the Legislature, were in effect destroyed by the Union that certain institutions, such as the Union. We beg to ask, did this court, the presbyterian form of worship, should be prior to 1837, bestow such grants? If not, maintained in Scotland, as being most suited we lose nothing by its abolition. The powers to the genius of the people; but more than which it possessed were simply transferred this the Scotch have no right to demand. to the Court of Session. Walter complains There was, therefore, nothing illegal in the that Scotland must now apply to the abolition of a separate exchequer court, or "English treasury" for money to uphold in the transference of certain boards to her public buildings. He should have said, London. The complaint of centralization is the British treasury. How can it be simply one which cannot be urged on the ground an English treasury, with a Scotchman for that the English and Scotch are two united first lord, and another Scotchman seated at nations; but, if just at all, it is as applicable its board, whose business it is to attend to to certain parts of England as to Scotland. Scottish interests? England and Ireland We have entered into this question thus far are in this respect quite on a level with on account of the importance which our Scotland. If our country does not succeed opponents attach to it. The basis of the in her pecuniary demands, it is in her power agitation-the Act of Union-will not supto apply to Parliament through her repre- port or justify their views; and we beg to sentatives. Walter, however, maintains that remind them that if the Legislature had the transference of the powers of the Scottish acted according to their principles, it could Exchequer Court was "in gross violation of never have passed the recent Act for the the terms of union." The nineteenth section Modification of the University Tests; and of the Act of Union, however, does in no they do not seem to have given any efficient sense prevent such transference. The Court assistance to the general Assembly of the of Session has been made, de facto, the Court Church of Scotland in opposing that Act as an of Exchequer. Our opponents tell us that infraction of the Treaty of Union. "Walter" the Scotch have not abandoned their separate complains that Scotland has no geological nationality, and that the union was that of museum. He cannot, however, be ignorant two distinct nations on terms of equality. of the fact that Government intends to estaUpon this general question we remark that blish such an institution. Our ordnance all treaties are susceptible of alteration, with survey will no doubt be completed without the consent of the parties, made by means the necessity of a national association. of the tribunal to which they have given the Regarding the Glasgow Post Office, "Walter" power of carrying the treaties out. But this matter is not here left in doubt. Such alteration is allowed by the Act of Union itself-almost every section concludes with

has not chosen to state that Government had purchased ground for the erection of a new post office, and that it will soon be built; and had it not been that the people of

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Glasgow quarrelled amongst themselves as to a proper site, the complaint would long before this have been removed. We refer here to the excellent remarks of " Gray" as to the want of a proper officer to attend to the exchange of spoiled stamps (!) and to the Scotch medical diplomas. We do not anticipate any danger of an enemy landing on our shores; but in addition to the observations previously made by us on this point, it is proper to state that we are to have a militia. Thus one "grievance" after another is being removed. We do not think favourably of university representation, although we have no objection to an educational franchise, if in any way practicable. The Scottish universities, however, are, by the new Reform Bill, to have three members. Our next antagonist, Douglas," has touched upon three of those grievances to which his coadjutor, "Walter," had more briefly referred; namely, the Glasgow Post Office, medical diplomas, and want of a speedy exchange of spoiled stamps. He has brought forward two additional grievances. First, the existence of naval and military schools in England and Ireland, besides Greenwich Hospital in the former, and Kilmainham Hospital in the latter country, while Scotland has no such institutions; and secondly, the use of the name "England" in public documents, &c., as descriptive of the whole island. To all of these points a very able reply has been made by "Gray;" and in order to shorten our remarks, we refer to his article. In addition to the medical grievance we observe that the demands of the English Apothecaries' Company afford an example of those exclusive jurisdictions which exist in different parts of the kingdom, to which liberal politicians have been always opposed. Again, while it is notorious that the hospitals referred to are British institutions, not merely English or Irish, the sole reason why Government has not planted similar ones in Scotland is that to do so would be a needless multiplication of expense; and, after all, the generosity of the juvenile establishments is somewhat diminished by the consideration that the education afforded is of a military kind, and those receiving it expected to enter the The use of the word "Engarmy or navy. land" or "English," does not in any degree degrade Scotland. A certain conventional meaning is attached to such terms, which

misleads no one. The Scotch themselves are not ashamed to use them.

"A Thomac" has not been able perceptibly to enlarge the catalogue of grievances. As to the question of a secretary of state, and of an inequality in the representation as compared with that of England, we can do little more than refer to our introductory article. Scotland, which has various important interests requiring attention, and contributes £7,000,000 annually to the imperial revenue, it is alleged, is committed to the charge of a single official. The Scottish Rights advocates frequently refer to the revenue obtained from Scotland, and gravely inquire what sum she receives in return, choosing at the same time to overlook the fact that there is any obligation on her to pay a portion of the annual burdens of the empire. This shows the small value of our opponents' "statistics." They have made out no case of systematic neglect of Scottish interests in parliament, which might call for the appointment of a secretary of state, nor have they proved how such a functionary could remedy the grievances complained of. The grievances alleged are being gradually removed, and they do not refer to Scotland in particular.

What kind of secretary, however, do our opponents desire? When the subject was discussed in the committee of the town council of Edinburgh, it was insisted on by one individual that the secretary of state should reside in Edinburgh; by another, that he should be resident in London. By one that he should be a peer; by another, a mercantile man. By one, that he should be a member of the Cabinet; by another, that he should be independent of Government, &c. It is evident that these are differences of great importance, and materially affect the question. If the secretary of state were to dwell in Scotland a certain part of each year, a local government would be established having a separate interest from that of Great Britain. Ireland has a secretary of state as well as a lordlieutenant, and are the results so promising as to make it desirable to have similar functionaries in Scotland? We think not. To the existence of a separate government in Ireland we ascribe, in some measure, the attempts which have been made from time to time wholly to disunite the two kingdoms. If the Scottish secretary were to be resident

'large sums are granted for charitable purposes, for the construction of national galleries and museums, and for the purchase and embellishment of parks and pleasure grounds in England, while Scotland is left to found and uphold her own charitable institutions, to erect her own galleries and museums, and to enjoy herself as she best may in the absence of these other valuable adjuncts to a crowded city." We have quoted this sentence as affording an example of the prejudice or carelessness of our opponents. According to it, any one who did not know the truth would be led to believe that throughout England Government has established museums, and public parks and other places for recreation, while Scotland has been passed over; whereas, it is only a question between London and Edinburgh. The Queen's Park, near Edinburgh, was purchased for a large sum; and a considerable sum has been expended on a national gallery, and a museum is promised. The other complaints of "A Thomac" are the same as those on the same side, previously commented on.

in England, he would, according to the views of our opponents, be unacquainted with Scotch business; and, in either case, the office would tend to promote centralization. We are not aware that the Lord Advocates have very much separate business requiring attention. They generally hold the office only for a few years, and it is a stepping stone to the bench. Although some modification of the office, or assistance may be required, there seems no ground for the addition of a secretary of state. An inadequate representation is not a Scotch evil, but a national one. Scotland has been deprived of no substantial justice by not having a larger number of members. What good, on the other hand, have the "Irish Brigade" done for their country? We very seldom, or never, find the English members uniting against anything desired by Scotland, and urged by her representatives; and a numerical addition would either tend to the formation of a purely Scotch party, powerless for good, or to the return of certain obscure local politicians and fanatics, who would be swamped by the talent and moderation of the Legislature. Our opponent enters into a 2. "Douglas" asserts that we have vilified graphic account of certain evils flowing from the persons and misrepresented the motives the alleged centralization caused by the of the leaders of the movement in question, Government offices being placed in London. by alleging that it is calculated to foster He says, the parties to whom we must appeal national hatred, and that their language is are removed from us, are ignorant of our "extravagant, bombastic and inflammatory;" wants, and have no interest in us. The that we are wrong in fearing evils from the picture is a distressing one, but entirely agitation; and he inquires how such agitaimaginary. There is unity of interest tion can be a crime. In animadverting on between the different parts of the kingdom; the remarks of "Benjamin," A Thomac" and the men who know little of, or have no defends the agitation, and the bona fide care for Scotland, are incapable statesmen. character of the movement. It is intended A certain degree of centralization is the to be a national movement; the people of price which must be paid for the union. Scotland are to be roused and excited in To appoint a secretary of state would only order to procure the abolition of certain increase the evil. It is one of which England petty grievances, which, even if some of has as much cause to complain as Scotland; them are real, are not felt by Scotland and hence there is no need of a Scottish in particular. It is alleged that the two agitation. We dissent from the propriety of parts of the island are distinct countries, the grants for charitable institutions, and think Act of Union recognising separate nationalit honourable to Scotland that she receives ities; that the public power of Scotland is nothing for this purpose; and we earnestly not merged in the Legislature of Great trust that our opponents will not succeed in Britain. Hence the Act of Union is examined degrading Scotland by obtaining such grants. to ascertain if the two nations have been The Poor-law has destroyed the indepen-treated strictly in accordance with it; and a dence of the Scotch peasantry, and the right is implied to agitate for the dissolution Scottish Rights Association seem desirous of the Union. In consistency with those to do this good work for the remainder of views, heraldic grievances, and the like, are the population. "A Thomac" tells us that urged as matters of overwhelming impor

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