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which would terrify ordinary men, appeared Whatever may be said of Napoleon's belief, to them as necessary portions of their career, he discountenanced the immorality and levity and did not wear an aspect of cruelty or of which the Revolution had engendered. He crime.

had a fine sense of the noble and heroic We had intended to have narrated the qualities which others possessed. Although circumstances which led to the commence- his acknowledgments of these may appear ment of the different wars in which Napoleon theatrical to the prosaic mind, yet these engaged, in order to show that he was certainly flowed from a magnanimous nature, forced into those wars by hostile powers. and contrast very much with the conduct of We would not have shrunk also from a close public men at that time. His biographies examination of various incidental transac- abound with instances of this kind. These tions, which are usually regarded as stains account largely for the love which his on Napoleon's character. Our space, how soldiers bore him. Whilst he lavished their ever, has compelled us to confine ourselves blood in the cause of freedom, he treated to the general conclusions which we have them like men; he appealed to something stated.

generous and true in them. The instances To conclude, we would offer a few remarks to which we allude, open to us the depths of on those personal qualities of Napoleon to his magnanimity and his greatness. · As to which we have not already referred. He Napoleon's general character, we may be was temperate in his habits. He was permitted to adduce the testimonies of inspired by courage.

“ The best document | Bourrienne and Madame Junot, both of whom of his relation to his troops,” Mr. Emerson were on the most intimate terms with him, observes, “is the order of the day on the and both of whom had strong prejudices morning of the battle of Austerlitz, in which against him. Bourrienne observes: “His Napoleon promises the troops that he will (Napoleon's) heart and his conduct were at keep his person out of reach of fire. This variance, but his good dispositions gave way declaration, which is the reverse of that before what he considered his public duty. ordinarily made by generals and sovereigns In spite of this sort of feeling, however, on the eve of a battle, sufficiently explains Bonaparte was neither rancorous nor vindicthe devotion of the army to their leader.” tive. His character was not a cruel one. His scepticism has been pointed out as a I certainly cannot justify the acts forced proof of his frigidity of heart. Few men, upon him by cruel necessity and the imhowever, who live either in courts or camps, perious law of war; but this I can say, have the fervour of devotion, or the might of that he has frequently been unjustly accused. principle. He had been long accustomed to None but those who are blinded by fury the perfidy of hereditary rulers, and the could have given him the name of Nero or adulation of parasites. He saw Romanism Caligula. No part of his conduct justified allied to despotism, and Protestant England such abuse. I think that I have stated his united in the same cause. His scepticism real faults with sufficient sincerity to be was the result of his position, not the fault believed upon my word; and I can assert

At the same time there were that Bonaparte, apart from politics, was not wanting occasions when his mind rose feeling, kind, and accessible to pity: he was above the impure element in which he was very fond of children, and a bad man has compelled to live, and recognized the spiri- seldom such a disposition. In the habits of tual relations which consecrate life, and the private life, he had (and the expression is power whose altar is the soul. He was not too strong) much benevolence, and great distinguished for his toleration, and for his indulgence for human weakness.” horror of religious persecution, Whilst, To these views, we cannot have serious like every wise ruler, he practically acknow- objection. We think, however, Napoleon's ledged the importance of religion in pro- acceptance of the supreme power in France moting national prosperity, he scorned the was justifiable, and ealled for; and, if so, the idea of persecuting those who did not belong acts necessary to maintain it are no stains to the dominant church. Even the Jews, on his character. At the worst, the actions oppressed in the other countries of continen- for which he is most severely blamed, were tal Europe, found protection under his sway. simply errors of judgment.' We may add

of the man.

that during the continental wars, the most justified, from the personal qualities of Naabsurd statements were propagated prejudi- poleon, in maintaining the position which we cial to the character of Napoleon. They have taken. were the phantoms of our national fear and Tell us not that Napoleon left France cirguilt. Although time has dissipated them, cumscribed, impoverished. He left the fire we have been long compelled to judge of of freedom burning in her heart; he gave Napoleon through a distorted medium. her a life which could not be doomed to pine Madame Junot observes :* “Much is said for ever beneath the fetters of oppression. about the tyranny, violence of temper, and Soon she arose, and shook herself free from despotism of Napoleon. I revere, nay, even the dominion of England; from the reign of worship his memory; but I am not so absurd the Bourbons. The Napoleon dynasty has as to consider him a god. He was a man, resumed its sway. The once haughty and partook of the failings of human nature. nation, which refused to acknowledge the Nevertheless, to speak from my knowledge elder Republic and the Empire, finds in of his character—and I had the opportunity Napoleon III. her strong and faithful ally. of knowing him well-I must declare my As we have stood in the old black chapel honest conviction that he possessed a noble of the Invalides, as grim and sad as themmind, a heart forgetful of injuries, and a selves, beside the tomb of Napoleon, we have disposition to recompense talent wherever he been tempted to moralize, as if its echoes found it. Perhaps at no period did Napo- proclaimed the emptiness of human greatleon's character appear in so exalted a light ness, the hollowness of fame. But that as on his elevation to the Imperial authority. tomb is the source of much the strength He had previously been the object of envious and vitality of France. Whether, then, we hatred, and the object of base persecution; examine the individual steps of Napoleon's but he forgot all at the moment when the career, or the vast results which have flowed nation invested him with supreme power. from it, and are yet unfolding, can we blame He took revenge on none; nay, he even made France for her admiration of Napoleon a point of checking personal antipathies, i Bonaparte? whenever they were entertained towards On the whole, considering what Napoleon individuals whose conduct had given him did, both for France, and for the cause of reason to complain.” We might cite other freedom throughout the world, the motives authorities who bear similar testimony, but which actuated him, and his personal to do so is unnecessary. Surely we are character generally, we think we have clearly * “Life of Napoleon Bonaparte,” by Madame of the French people.

shown that he was worthy of the admiration

T. U. Junot.


NEGATIVE ARTICLE.-III. LORD JOHN RUSSELL, with his usual the islanders were the most happy and prosfelicity of happy illustration, once remarked perous of all nations." We cling with all in the House of Commons, that "if a blind the tenacity of time-honoured patriots to foreigner were to visit this island, he would our glorious privilege of grumbling; it is suppose, from the universal language of dis- one of our dearest liberties. Public insticontent, that we were of all people the most tutions are the safety-valve of our ill humours, wretched and miserable; if, on the contrary, the scape-goat of our spleen. In England the individual had nothing but the organs the tories fall foul on the whigs, the whigs of vision to guide him, supposing he could and radicals are ever on the full war-cry to not read, he would naturally conclude that give battle in lusty strokes to their opponents.

The land interest is ever crying out in the which none but narrow minds fall into. wailings of despair against their oppressors. For the sake of geographical distinction the The factories are always being ruined by name answers a purpose. The slight difthe “laws' delay," with the horrid appa- ference of custom, laws, &c., is daily becomsition of millions of cadaverous villagers, and ing less obvious, as legislation is ever tending skeleton frames of weavers and spinners. to sweep them all away. None but hot

In Ireland the Saxon tyrants work the headed youths, freshly imbued with Quixotic complete and certain ruin of that country notions, inspired by a Wallace or a Bruce, at least once every year-so, at least, the ever prate about the honour of Scotchmen patriots of the Emerald Isle tell us. But as modern men. The idea must be lowering when Scotland begins to complain and cry to a people, and partaking much of the out against the oppressors of the south, we nature of provincial vulgarism. Who thinks wonder at the phenomenon; it has cer- of distinguishing our prime minister, the tainly the advantage of novelty, which in- illustrious Macaulay, the great Jeffery, or duces us to examine and see if it is founded Dr. Chalmers, as Scotchmen? They are as on a delusion or a reality. Scotland has much a part of our body politic, and soul had her troubles; but where is the nation politic too, as her Majesty Victoria or Colonel with historic annals so generous which has Sibthorp. England, like every other great not? The first national struggle and pub- nation, is a combination of states originally lic calamity of the Scotch, after the demise independent. In this island there were nearly of Elizabeth, was the goring of the bull as many kings as counties; but power gra- . episcopacy, driven by their own much-beloved, dually assumed a centralization. The less idolized, and divine-righted Stuarts. But merges into the greater. Yorkshire or Cornthe divine rights of man to worship his wall, Kent or Hampshire, might complain Maker in accordance with the dictates of of this upon the same ground as Scotland. his conscience, came pure and bright out of If ever we had a remote idea that our the contest, like silver from the refining pot. northern friends were illused, it has been The next important troubles of Scotland completely dispelled by the conclusive were essentially home born; an overweening reasoning of “Douglas." If we grant, for sympathy for a scion of a worthless royal the sake of argument, that he is correct in family (mere sycophants and tools of the his assumption of facts, they are so unimFrench court) led to an alarming revolution; portant, that the real question is not affected and England was again invaded by the by them; a negative decision is quite combrawny sons of the mountains and moors. patible with his army of allegations; his Seen by the aid of the magic glass of Scot- silence upon subjects of real weight, is a land's Poet Laureat, Sir Walter Scott, they tacit admission on the negative side of this have a pleasing interest, and a romantic question. His sample of grievances are of couleur de rose shading them. To our great such a nature, that the most timid reader grandfathers, they had a sterner aspect, a of the Controversialist may safely look them peril which we may now laugh at. Spec- in the face without trembling for the peril tral visions of bloody battles of victory to be of the consequences. The crimson blush of fought over again mingled with their fears. shame will not be suffused over the counteThere existed in Scotland an intense hatred nances of men anxious for the honour of and plotting spirit against the ruling dynasty, England. But let us give them a fair conwho, with all their faults, had been the consideration. solidators of English liberty. This fact is First. He says the building of the Glasthe main cause wby in the last century gow Post Office is quite unworthy of the such an hostile feeling was manifested to- city; it is more like a haunted house in some wards Scotchmen: it was a national crochet, out-of-the-way part of the country. We can and such writers as Junius are the true compliment him on having so picturesque indicators of the popular feeling. The an object, suggesting such pleasant memories French revolution put a stop to all such in a dingy, commonplace centre of manu petty differences. Since then the two peo- facturing industry. But seriously, did it ples have so coalesced, that to define them as never occur to“ Douglas” that this evil is not politically and socially distinct is a mistake peculiar to Glasgow; that many of our first

rate towns are insufficiently provided, occa- sheltering walls may be found his brave and sioned by the too parsimonious conduct of deserving countrymen. the post office authorities.

These are the “sample of grievances." Secondly. “ That medical students have“ Douglas” says their justice must be acto pay a tax of £10 before they can exer- knowledged by every candid mind. We supcise their calling in Englangl.” Is“ Douglas” pose he means they must be acknowledged aware that the educational course of studies as injustices; for if their justice is to be which such parties require is to be obtained recognized, they cannot at the same time be much more economically in Scotland than grievances. England. The colleges where medical stu- The next charge is one of more gravity, dents are graduated are much less costly and bears on the face a semblance of injusaffairs than those on the south of the Tweed: tice: it is evidently a sore point, wounding a plain fact in proof of which is, that English the national vanity of our worthy friend, parents send their sons to be educated in the while admitting it as a fair argument, and north, in order that the more expensive one that truly comes within the scope of the system may be avoided; cheerfully paying present question. the trifle of £10, in order to secure the The complaint is the illegality and abextra advantage.

surdity of speaking and writing of the whole Thirdly. Scotland has no officer who has of the island as England. This rather bepower to substitute a good stamp for an longs to the category of conventional phraseaccidentally spoiled one.” Does “Douglas ology than formal or official technicality— live in these railway times, without being custom of convenience rather than the stuconscious of the facility of communications? died ignoring of Scotland's existence, having Edinburgh is but an hour or two more dis- no possible effect detrimental to the happitant from the metropolis than Manchester ness or welfare of that people, but obviously or Liverpool. And does this small difference the reverse; for England, being so far the of time produce the enormity of injustice? superior in wealth, population, power, and

The obstacle in the way of commerce is prestige-her historic glories dating back nearly equal to the one as the other; and ten centuries—has created in the minds of often, by the peculiar postal arrangements, the world not only a name, a character, a no difference at all. Is “ Douglas” positive force, but an embodied idea of magnificence of the fact (or is it only a supposition) that and wealth far superior to Rome in the deeds are detained in London to an indefinite classic days of yore. Scotland since the period from Scotland alone? We imagine union has been an integral part of England, this habit of delay is general, not partial. not in the narrow sense of a geographical disThe lawyers near London are not a whit tinction, but the broad and unlimited cosbetter off than the gentlemen in his office, mopolite idea. A Scotchman abroad particiexcept in the saving of distant travelling. pates in all the benefits, and enjoys the priviThe fact of Scotland being so distant from leges of that citizen character, as much as & the metropolis is not a fault which can be Yorkshireman. It is impossible to change a laid to the English people. We congratulate name stamped as it is on universal society; our opponent on having found his official nor is it worth the attempt, to gratify the duties so suggestive of complaints.

ideal vanity of a section of that community; Fourthly. “Our naval and military chari- neither would it be just, on the ground that ties are supported by Government for the Ireland, which is now a portion of Great benefit of English and Irish subjects.” Here Britain, would have the same cause of comhe has contrived a loophole of escape; for he plaint, with even more pretentious reasons, mentions not exclusive benefit, which he evi- on account of her superior magnitude and dently wishes to suppose. If he really has resources. The English army contains more any doubt about the subject—which we ami- Irish than Scotch soldiers: the revenue of ably hope, for the sake of his veracity-he the empire is more augmented by Irish than might easily lay this phantom low, by visit- Scotch receipts. The most energetic action ing or inquiring of those institutions. We of legislative enactments for can assure our worthy friend that they are would be utterly futile to change the national national or British charities, and within their name, it is so engrafted upon the annals of


time and thought. It can be blotted out men? Did not the peasantry reap social only with the existence of the people. Sup- and material fruits by the free intercourse pose the name was confined to that more with the wealthy and civilized south? Did central province of the empire, it would not the opening of the rich colonies and conlead to endless misnomers and inconveniences. quests of England beyond the seas, to Scotch It is absurd and treasonable to prate of the enterprize and trade, bring wealth to her separate nationality of Scotland; its exist- merchants, and the blessings of comparative ence is purely imaginative: for the last 147 plenty to all ? years, ever since the union, Scotland has had We cannot close this article without reno more national existence than Urslen, or verting to the presumed injustice of England, Wessex. Nationality comes from nation. in preventing Scotland from having a fair And what is a nation ? Not a race of men share of representatives in Parliament. We having the same laws, customs, and lan- would first ask, are the English people fairly guage (but slightly modified); under the represented in the legislative body? The same authority; enjoying the same privileges injustice “Walter" complains of is not pecuand advantages—or a larger race, to whom liarly Scotch, but a national one, requiring they are joined by these common bonds. The immediate and thorough reform. The whole army of farm bailiffs and packmen from the of the boroughs of Scotland, exclusive of north who spread themselves over the fertile Glasgow, do not aggregate such a population plains of England, are evidently unimpressed as Manchester and Liverpool, returning but with the notion of their adopted land's ex- four members. The population of London clusive nationality. They say, fair play to nearly equals that of Scotland, with a repreall the sons of this island of liberty. The sentation but little above one-fourth of that union brought reciprocal advantages to the people, while they represent more wealth and two countries; but in “Douglas's” honest more intelligence. Is not this injustice to opinion, which of the two was the most be- England ? nefited ? Pause not, friend, with such pal- All we have now to say is, that if Scotpable proofs to guide you. Did not the land has any just complaints, let them be union enhance the value of Scotch products? stated. At present we are bound, with such Did it not improve the condition of her evidence as we have heard, to give a decisive lairds, by doubling the value of their land ? negative to any reasonable shadow of injusDid it not bring the luxuries of life more tice from England. within the reach of her oatcake-eating free



“I am not wrong-headed enough to wish that misrepresentation. If truth and justice be the union which has been established so happily with them they will surmount all opposition, for the peace and tranquillity of both countries and assert their title to be heard. Enthusiasshould be interfered with. say, that if I thought this Association could lead tically though calmly moving onward, with to such a misfortune, I would not remain in it the uplifted front of conscious right, they one other moment.

I have joined this will boldly urge their plea for justice. Such, movement because I believe in my beart Scotland has been treated with unfairness and neglect. I

we take it, is the position of the “National believe this movement will be successful, because Association for the Vindication of Scottish it is based on justice, and will be carried on with Rights.” The Scottish people do consider earnestness, but with moderation." Earl of themselves aggrieved that their existence as Eglinton, at meeting in Edinburgh, November ž,

a nation is all but ignored, that their lawful

rights are withheld, and that, by an unjustiTHE spectacle of a noble body of men fiable and absorbing centralization, they are unitedly offering a dignified but respectful wrongfully excluded from a share in the resistance to encroachment must attract trade and commerce which the Government attention and merit consideration. Their of the united nations creates, especially from resistance is not to be treated with ridicule that arising from their own local administraor contempt, to be written down with the tion. pen of malice, or extinguished by means of Scotland is by no means a country given


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