Of his correspondence during these months the only traces I find are in Stepheus's catalogue, and they are very few. Of the entries which bear no date, some may possibly belong to this period; but without the dates the descriptions are too brief to tell us. There is one, however, of a letter addressed to Buckingham on the 30th of January, 1624-5, the description of which is only too significant, showing that Bacon was still obliged to play the part of an importunate supplicant for some still unsatisfied suit. The contents are described as "pressing him to be mindful of his misery." His misery meant his pecuniary difficulties,-the straits he was in to find means to satisfy his creditors and provide for his inevitable expenses. His earlier biographers, with the best intentions but I think with an unfortunate effect, have endeavoured to draw a veil over this aspect of his case. Dr. Rawley avoided the subject; 2 and Tenison went so far on one occasion as to alter the wording of a letter in which a degree of poverty seemed to be acknowledged more than became a gentleman. Where Bacon had written to the King that he had "spread the remnants of his former fortune in plate or jewels upon poor men unto whom he owed,-scarce leaving himself bread," Tenison struck out "bread" and substituted “a convenient subsistence." 8 But Bacon could find no comfort in

1 The opening words were "I understand by Sir H.," probably Sir Humphrey May, and possibly referring to the occasion when Sir H. sent Bacon word that Buckingham had " thanked him for being so forward for him." See letter to Sir H. a little further on.

2 In a book published in France about the end of the last century, a passage on this subject is quoted as if from Rawley, about which there must certainly be some mistake. The book is entitled "Le Christianisme de François Bacon, Chancelier d'Angleterre, ou Pensées de ce grand homme sur la Religion. A Paris, an. vii.” The passage in question occurs in a note, vol. i., p. 174. “Voici les termes de Rawley, qui etoit un des légataires de Bacon. Neque est quod ullam ei post remotionem familiaris rei tenuitatem objicere velit : constat enim post hanc nihil quicquam horum quæ ad status magnificentiam fecissent defuisse, sed ita nihilominus vixisse, ut Jovi ipsi de felicitate controversiam facere velle visus fuerit, virtutis omnis, pietatis, humanitatis, patientiæ imprimis, exemplum maxime honorabile."

I do not know where this passage is to be found; but if it was really written by Dr. Rawley there must be a mistake in the word defuisse. He must have meant, not that the means of living in his former state were not wanting to him after his fall; but that the want was not felt: it did not prevent him from being an example of felicity, through a life of virtue, piety, humanity, and patience. But I rather suppose that the passage was the composition of some biographer who confused Rawley with Peter Böener;-who returned to Holland in 1623, and was under the impression that Bacon recovered his fortune after he left him. "His means," he says, "afterwards changed to what they once were, and then he kept the same state." (Athenæum, June 10, 1871). Böener went upon hearsay, and may easily have believed this. Rawley knew that it was not so. The concluding clause of the extract is almost a translation from Böener. See the words quoted near the end of this chapter, p. 576.

3 See Baconiana, p. 49, and compare the other copies of the letter, the rough draught, the fair copy, the copy in the 'Cabala,' and the copy in Matthew's collection,—all of which have "bread."

1624-5.]

STATE OF BACON'S PRIVATE AFFAIRS.

525

euphemisms like that. He liked to call things by their true names. The condition of a man who having lived in luxury finds himself in age and sickness at a loss for means to pay his baker and butcher is truly described as a miserable condition; and a frank recognition of the fact adds a deeper and more pathetic significance to an anecdote for which we are indebted to Tenison himself, and which, though the circumstances do not enable us to date it exactly, belongs probably to this period.

"Whilst I am speaking of this work of his Lordship's of Natural History, there comes to my mind a very memorable relation, reported to me by him who bore a part in it, the Reverend Dr. Rawley. One day his Lordship was dictating to that Doctor some of the experiments in his Sylva. The same day he had sent a friend to Court to receive for him a final answer touching the effect of a grant which had been made him by King James. He had hitherto only hope of it and hope deferred; and he was desirous to know the event of the matter, and to be freed, one way or other, from the suspense of his thoughts. His friend returning told him plainly that he must thenceforth despair of that grant, how much soever his fortunes needed it. Be it so, said his Lordship; and then he dismissed his friend very cheerfully, with thankful acknowledgments of his service. His friend being gone, he came straightway to Dr. Rawley, and said thus unto him. Well, Sir, yon business won't go on : let us go on with this, for this is in our power. And then he dictated to him afresh for some hours, without the least hesitancy of speech or discernible interruption of thought."1

If it had been a refusal of something more to a man who had enough, the thing would hardly have been worth mentioning: in one who was struggling for subsistence, such equanimity in such a case was less easy. "But let me tell you," says his apothecary and secretary, Peter Böener, who was in his service till the beginning of 1623, "that though his fortune may have changed, yet I never saw any change in his mien, his words, or his deeds towards any man: Ira enim hominis non implet justitiam Dei: but he was always the same both in sorrow and in joy, as a philosopher ought to be."2

There is one other entry of a letter to Buckingham under the date of the 31st March, 1625-shortly after King James's death, who died on the 27th-described as "begging his intercession with the new King;" and beginning with the words "King Charles." But with these exceptions I do not think there are any which can be assigned with confidence to this half-year.

3.

This blank in the correspondence is tantalising; for that half-year 2 Athenæum of June 10, 1871.

1 'Baconiana,' p. 45.

was full of important events. The "extreme prosperous success of his Majesty's business" during the twelve months preceding, upon which Bacon had congratulated with him on the 9th of October, 1624,-alluding I suppose to the progress of his negotiations with France, Sweden, Denmark, and the States, for combined action in Germany, had been followed by a military disaster which ruined all. Through some unaccountable want of care or forethought on the part of somebody, the 12,000 men who were to have marched through France to join Mansfeldt arrived at Calais before any orders had been received for allowing them to land; and being thereupon taken to Zealand, met again with obstructions which detained them till half of their number had been carried off by pestilence. And so had ended the enterprise for the recovery of the Palatinate, and whatever hopes went with it. Soon after, the old King died,1 and the new King lost no time in summoning a new Parliament, which was to have met on the 7th of May, though his approaching marriage delayed the meeting for five or six weeks. Buckingham had been sent to Paris to bring the bride; and the next letter of Bacon's which has come down to us was written shortly before his return.

As far as his own fortunes were concerned, circumstances could hardly change but for the better; and in this change there were two or three points in his favour. The sympathy which the Prince had shown for him during his impeachment, together with the admiration which he had expressed of his historical work, promised him a new friend on the throne. The French ambassador who was coming over with the Queen had been inspired by his works and reputation with so great a reverence for him that he asked leave to address him as a father. Buckingham, though their personal intercourse seems to have been at an end, professed himself in his letters as kindly disposed as ever; and Sir Humphrey May, Chancellor of the Duchy, a distinguished member of the House of Commons and a man of influence at Court, was a private friend. It might have seemed therefore that the new time would bring a better chance of attention to his case. But the accidents were still against him. The business of the marriage was hardly over, when Charles had to appeal to a new House of Commons for means to carry out the great enterprise which the last House had promised, amid acclamations and waving of hats, to support with the lives and fortunes

3 There is a note in Stephens's catalogue of a letter from Bacon to Sir Humphrey May, not dated, but beginning "The presence of a friend," and described as begging his assistance with the new King: and another dated 1625 but without any month-date, "for assistance in getting in his arrears," beginning "I would be glad."

1625.]

HOPES FROM A NEW REIGN.

527

of all whom it represented: and the response which he met with gave him so much to think of on his own account that he had no time to think of Bacon; though if he had thought of asking his advice and following it, it might have been better for him.

The following letters, written about the period of the meeting of Charles's first Parliament, shew the state of his hopes at that time, as far as his own fortunes were concerned. What he thought of the public fortunes and the position of the Government,-from which, after the dissolution of that Parliament on the 12th of August, and the measures which followed, he could not, I think, have derived any shadow of consolation,-nothing remains to tell

us.

TO THE CHANCELLOR OF THE DUCHY, SIR HUMPHREY

Good Mr. Chancellor,

MAY.!

I do approve very well your forbearance to move my suits, in regard the Duke's return is so near at hand, which I thought would have been a longer matter and I imagine there is a gratiastitium till he come. I do not doubt but you shall find his Grace nobly disposed. The last time that you spake with him about me, I remember you sent me word he thanked you for being so forward for me. Yet I could wish that you took some occasion to speak with him, generally, to my advantage, before you move to him any particular suit; and to let me know how you find him.

My Lord Treasurer sent me a good answer touching my monies. I pray you continue to quicken him, that the King may once clear with me. A fire of old wood needeth no blowing; but old men do. I ever rest

Your's to do you service.

TO THE MARQUIS D'EFFIAT, THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR.2

Mons. l'Ambassadeur mon filz,

Vous scavez que le comencement est la moytié du fait. Voyla pourquoy je vous ay escrit ce petit mot de lettre, vous priant de vous souvenir de vostre noble promesse de me mettre

1 Gibson Papers, vol. viii. f. 278. Copy. No fly-leaf. Indorsed, "To Chancellor of ye Duchy. Gor: 1625."

2 Gibson Papers, vol. viii. f. 148. Fairly written in Bacon's printing hand. No fly-leaf. Indorsed "To the French Ambassador Fiat."

en la bonne grace de nostre tres-excellente Royne, et m'en faire recevoir quelque gracieuse demonstration. Vostre Excce prendra auxi, s'il vous plaist, quelque occasion de prescher un peu à mon advantage en l'oreille du Duc de Buckingham en general. Dieu vous ayt en sa saincte garde.

Vostre tres-affectionné &

Jun. 18, 1625.

tres-humble serviteur,

FR. ST. ALBAN.

Among the entries in Stephens's catalogue there is one of a letter addressed to Buckingham on the 3rd of July, 1625, beginning "I am loath to complain," and described as "finding fault with the Lord Treasurer." This must have been the Lord Treasurer Ley, to whom the next letter is addressed, — probably on the same subject.

My Lord,

TO THE LORD TREASURER LEA.1

2

I humbly intreat your Lordship, and (if I may use the word) advise your Lordship to make me a better answer. Your Lordship is interessed in honour, in the opinion of all that hear how I am dealt with. If your Lordship malice me for Long's cause, surely it was one of the justest businesses that ever was in Chancery. I will avouch it; and how deeply I was tempted therein, your Lordship 'knoweth best. Your Lordship may do well to think of your grave as I do of mine; and to beware of hardness of heart. And as for fair words, it is a wind by which neither your Lordship nor any man else can sail long. Howsoever, I am the man that shall give all due respects and reverence to your great place.

20 June, 1625.4

TO SIR ROBERT PYE.5

Good Sir Robert Pye,

FR. ST. ALBAN.

Let me intreat you to dispatch that warrant of a petty sum, that it may help to bear my charge of coming up to London.

1 Add. MSS. 5503. 2 In Matthew's copy. "for such a cause."

3 In Matthew's copy "may do well in this great age of yours."

4 No date in Matthew's copy.

5 Gibson Papers, vol. viii. f. 206. Copy. Docketed, "To Sir Robert Pye. Gor. 1625."