the pecuniary embarrassment into which his sudden fall plunged him, though it was the least part of his affliction, was nevertheless an embarrassment out of which it was necessary to emerge if possible, but by no means easy to find a way,-is a fact not to be overlooked. Neither is it to be forgotten that for such help as he stood in need of, not only his best chance but his most reasonable claim was from the King. His case was in all respects exceptional, and the King was well able to understand and appreciate the difference between him and the ordinary suitors whom he was so apt to oblige. He could appreciate not only the work which he had done, but that which he had yet to do, and which he only desired to be supplied with the means of doing. He knew that for the last 15 years he had been the most laborious, affectionate, zealous, attentive, faithful, and modest of servants, and the most moderately rewarded-having scarcely ever been a suitor except for some hard-working office for the work of which no one else was so fit, and having received no other bounties. He knew that, however he might have increased his income by accepting gratuities which he ought to have refused, he had amassed no wealth. He knew what kind of work he could do in retirement, and the rare value which everything that he took in hand was likely to derive from his workmanship. If he could not quite share his faith in the new philosophy and the great things which it promised for mankind, there were other works in other fields of study of which he could well understand the worth and use, and how rarely qualified Bacon was to undertake them. And he knew that for the effectual performance of any work of this kind an unembarrassed income is one of the most indispensable conditions. This was all that was wanted, and it is difficult to believe that the King could not have found means of supplying it, without any risk of putting his Parliaments out of temper. In asking for so much, Bacon was asking him to do no more than all the after ages would have remembered to his honour. And I am inclined to think that he had received direct encouragement to look for it,-if not a distinct promise that he should have it. The rumour mentioned by Sir Anthony Ashley in his letter to Buckingham of the 12th of May,' though premature, appears to have had some foundation. Buckingham had not only taken Bacon's part throughout the debates on the impeachment (in which he was probably surprised to find how little power he had), but had refused to concur in the sentence. We learn from Elsing's notes that when it was put to the question whether the punishments set out in the four articles should be

1 See above, p. 279. Note.

1621.]

COMMENCEMENT OF HISTORY OF HENRY VII. 295

inflicted upon the Lord Viscount St. Alban or no, he was the single dissentient. And it seems very likely and quite in accordance with all we know of him, that in the freshness of his resentment at his defeat he should not only have determined, but let it be known that he had determined, to mitigate the severity of the sentence another way. Certain it is—at least I collect as much from evidence which seems to me conclusive and which will appear in its place-that Buckingham did at one time of his own accord hold out hopes to Bacon not only of a complete pardon and some help for his debts, but also of an annual pension of two thousand-probably three thousand pounds; and no time seems so likely for such an intimation as immediately after the passing of the sentence.

This would have been enough to furnish him for the life of studious retirement-of "leisure without loitering"-in which he now desired to end his days. It remained for him to justify the promised bounty by showing that it would not be thrown away. With this view he looked round for some fit employment which might serve as earnest of his future course. Had he been in a condition to consult himself alone, he would no doubt have proceeded with the second or third part of the Instauratio Magna, which still held its place in his own judgment as the work fittest for himself and most profitable for the world, and made that his principal business. But, as things stood, it was necessary to consider also what the world would think; and the world had no such faith in the new philosophy as to take the promise in exchange for pensions. Looking therefore through the list of deficiencies noted in the Advancement of Learning for some work that could be executed speedily and would be appreciated at once, his thoughts settled chiefly upon two, as especially suitable both for himself and the time:—a history of England from the Union of the Roses to the Union of the Kingdoms; and a digest or recompilement of the laws. Both were works which he had long wished to see undertaken, and would probably long ago have undertaken himself, but that he wanted leisure for the one and assistance for the other. For assistance he must still wait upon other people's pleasure; but leisure, for a time at least, was now at his command. Accordingly he applied himself at once to the history of Henry the Seventh, and for the next three or four months we are to consider that as his real occupation, and the few letters which follow, and which I may leave to tell their own story, as the smaller cares and vexations which interrupted it.

TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.1

My very good Lord,

I thought it my duty to take knowledge to his Majesty from your Lordship by the inclosed, that, much to my comfort, I understand his Majesty doth not forget me nor forsake me, but hath a gracious inclination to me, and taketh care of me; and to thank his Majesty for the same. I perceive by some speech that passed between your Lordship and Mr. Meautys, that some wretched detractor hath told you that it were strange I should be in debt; for that I could not but have received an hundred thousand pounds gifts since I had the seal; which is an abominable falsehood. Such tales as these made St. James say that the tongue is a fire, and itself fired from hell, whither when these tongues shall return, they will beg a drop of cold water to cool them. I praise God for it, I never took penny for any benefice or ecclesiastical living, I never took penny for releasing any thing I stopped at the seal, I never took penny for any commission or things of that nature, I never shared with any servant for any second or inferior profit. My offences I have myself recorded; wherein I studied, as a good confessant, guiltiness and not excuse; and therefore I hope it leaves me fair to the King's grace, and will turn many men's hearts to me. As for my debts, I shewed them your Lordship, when you saw the little house and the gallery, besides a little wood or desert, which you saw not. If these things were not true (although the joys of the penitent be sometimes more than the joys of the innocent) I could not be as I am.

2

God bless you, and reward you for your constant love

to me.

I rest, &c.,

TO THE KING.S

It may please your most excellent Majesty,

I perceive by my noble and constant friend the Marquis, that your Majesty hath a gracious inclination towards me, and taketh

1 Gibson Papers, vol. viii. f. 270. Rough copy in Bacon's hand. Docketed (as if on the outside of a bundle) "Copies of my lres. to my Lo. of Buckingham," No date,

2 Verulam House, I suppose.

3 Stephens's second collection, p. 152. Not stated where from.

1621.] PETITION TO THE KING FOR MEANS TO SUBSIST.

297

care of me, for fifteen years the subject of your favour, now of your compassion; for which I most humbly thank your Majesty. This same Nova Creatura is the work of God's pardon and the King's; and since I have the inward seal of the one, I hope well of the other.

Utar, saith Seneca to his Master, magnis exemplis ; nec meæ fortunæ, sed tuæ. Demosthenes was banished for bribery of the highest nature, yet was recalled with honour; Marcus Livius1 was condemned for exactions, yet afterwards made Consul and Censor. Seneca banished for divers corruptions; 2 yet was afterwards restored, and an instrument of that memorable Quin

quennium Neronis. Many more. This, if it please your Majesty, I do not say for appetite of employment, but for hope that if I do by myself as is fit, your Majesty will never suffer me to die in want or dishonour. I do now feed myself upon remembrance, how when your Majesty used to go a progress, what loving and confident charges you were wont to give me touching your business. For as Aristotle saith, young men may be happy by hope, so why should not old men, and sequestered men, by remembrance? God ever prosper and preserve your Majesty.

Your Majesty's most bounden and devoted Servant,

16 July, 1621.

FR. ST. ALBAN.

TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.S

My very good Lord,

I have great faith that your yourself will effect with his

I have written, as I thought it decent for me to do, to his Majesty the letter I send inclosed. Lordship now nobly and like Majesty. In this the King is of himself, and it hath no relation to Parliament. I have written also, as your Lordship advised me [to the Prince], only touching that point of means. I have lived hitherto upon the scraps of my former fortunes; and I shall not be able to hold out longer; therefore I hope your Lord

1 Marcus Livius Salinator. See Livy, xxvii. 34 and xxix. 37. "Exulavit ob adulteria aliquarum principum fœminarum." De Vita et Morte, vol. iii., p. 146,

3 Gibson Papers, vol. viii. f. 236. Copy, corrected by Meautys.

I have supplied the words within brackets, which have evidently been omitted by a slip of the pen.

ship will now, according to your loving promises and hopes given, settle my poor fortunes, or rather my being. I am much fallen in love with a private life; but yet I shall so spend my time, as shall not decay my abilites for use.

God preserve and prosper your Lordship.

TO THE KING.1

It may please your Majesty.

Now that your Majesty hath passed the recreations of your progress, there is nevertheless one kind of recreation, which (I know) remaineth with your Majesty all the year, which is, to do good, and to exercise your clemency and beneficence. I shall never measure my poor services by the merit, which perhaps is small; but by the acceptation, which hath been always (favourably) great. I have served your Majesty now seventeen years; and since my first service (which was in the commission of the Union), I received from your Majesty never chiding or rebuke; but always sweetness and thanks. Neither was I in these seventeen years ever chargeable to your Majesty, but got my means in an honourable sweat of my labour, save that of late3 your Majesty was graciously pleased to bestow upon me the pension of twelve hundred pounds, for a few years; for in that other poor prop of my estate, which is the farm of the petty writs, I improved your Majesty's revenue by four hundred pounds the year. And likewise, when I received the seal, I left both the Attorney's place, which was a gainful place, and the Clerkship of the Star-Chamber which was Queen Elizabeth's favour, and was worth twelve hundred pounds by the year, which would have been a good commendam. The honours which your Majesty hath done me have put me above the means to get my living; and the misery I am fallen into hath put me below the means to subsist as I am. I hope my courses shall be such, for this

Gibson Papers, vol. viii, f. 155. Fair copy in Bacon's hand, docketed by himself, "Cop. of my lre. to the K after the progress." It seems to have been written to go, being too fair and stately for a copy. But there are one or two trifling alterations in it, on account of which he may have rewritten it. At p, 242 of the same volume is the rough draught, also in Bacon's hand. And at p. 235 another copy, in another hand,

The words "in those places which you bestowed upon me," which followed in the draught are omitted in the fair copy.

The words "after my great sickness (which I wish had had his period)" follow here in the draught, but have a line drawn through them,