2dly. By reason his Majesty hath the neighbourhood of the powerfullest nation at the sea that now is in the world, at his devotion; a people by nature more worthy our credit than any other; the use of whose neighbourhood our own histories will commend unto us, if we enquire of the ages past, even then when they wanted that power and that knowledge in their industry1 which they now have as well in matter of peace as war: the memory of those times will tell us that we seldom undertook any great thing without them; insomuch as our loss of France may probably in part be imputed to the breach we suffered in their friendship. And though they were then of the same religion with England, as likewise now they are, yet the present condition that we do both of us stand in for points of religion doth place us in an estate of better assurance with them than the condition of those times did. For then considering there was no main national separation in the Church, religion was but a common bond upon them and inclined them to no particular side; where now it hath the motive in it to make defence with us against an opposite Church in such a nation as hath drawn both of us into one and the same cause in quarrel as well of policy as religion. And lastly, their army is the best military school in the world; from whence our land-services may at least be sufficiently appointed with officers. Now for the hearts of our people and wealth of our kingdom, though (it may be) some of your Majesty's ill-affected subjects could be willing we should distrust our own strength, when we receive these two points into our consideration; yet for the first, the occasion whereof they have derived from our difference in religion, I may say the wrath of God hath been so evident against them in the confusion of their plots, as methinks it should be an horror to them to think of attempting any further that way. For those of them that have made a covenant with blood, we stand not so either in need or fear of their numbers, but we may both spare them and suppress them. from me to think that many even of those that munion with us in the Church should give other nations the cause to say that in England are the false men that take up God's weapon against him and their own weapons against themselves, in the favour of a foreign ambition, that make the pre1 So H. A has, "the power and that knowledge of their industry." And far be it hold no com 1619.] SHORT VIEW OF GREAT BRITAIN AND SPAIN. 25 tence of religion but a port-hole to lay his artillery out at, or his scaling-ladder to assault by. Now to the second point touching the wealth of the kingdom, if I did call the Council of Spain itself to give judgment in the cause, I should need no better sentence to condemn their opinions that think the King of Great Britain poor. Their master knows well enough he shall find it otherwise whensoever he shall undertake to attempt us, or we them. Now for Spain, his Majesty there, though accounted the greatest monarch of Christendom, yet if his estate be enquired through, his root will be found a great deal too narrow for his tops. His dominions are so far in distance asunder, as they cannot give relief time enough one to another upon an alarum ; which is the reason he is more powerful to assault than to defend; and therefore are compelled to have continual garrisons of that charge which he is unable to maintain. He hath more to do with shipping than any other prince, yet hath few seamen at his devotion, but by extreme charge; and those of the worst sort. His poverty heretofore1 hath appeared in the mutinies of the Low Countries' armies for want of pay: which was a great cause of his ill success there. And I cannot see how his estate should be much better now than it was, for though it be true that his charge is somewhat less, yet it is true that his subsidies in Spain are diminished, as well in respect of insupportableness as indisposition, and his returns out of the Indies decay; and indeed but for the Indies he were the poorest King of Europe. Now it serves the better for the finding of his weakness or strength, to enquire whether he be able to stand upon terms of defiance and yet hold the Indies? I think not. His Majesty of England joining with the States of the United Provinces is of power to raise two Armadas, the one to block up Spain, the other to block up the Indies. The least success that may be hoped for out of this enterprise, the cutting off his returns, would beggar him. The fear of this project was the thing that stopped his greatness to the United Provinces, when he departed with his pretence of sovereignty to them; and that fear is an ague he is not yet cured of. This is a right design and a great one: such an one as I wish we had all the treasures and all the valiant blood of our ancestors to bestow upon, for the expense whereof we have nothing to show now but the two poor islands of Jersey and Guernsey. And to say truth in that case, if all the lands that belong to the Crown of England were offered to his Majesty, I should not give my advice to receive them, much less to conquer them. Now for the disposition of the Low-country men, I assure myself there cannot be a thing more desired than they desire to join with his Majesty in any undertakings, especially in this. For they are sorry they understood so little the King of Spain's weakness in Queen Elizabeth's time, when her Majesty so affected their joining with her, and that now they know that his Majesty being greater in power will yet suffer such an enemy to all Christian princes, chiefly to those of his Majesty's religion, to creep into his bosom; for all the greatness he hath he holds by courtesy of his Majesty, and to that end courts him: he knows he were undone else. To conclude withal, I will infer some of the reasons that persuade to the undertaking of that design. The policy of Spain hath trodden more bloody steps than any state of Christendom. Look into the treaties and the negociations of his ministers abroad. You shall find as much falsehood in these as blood in the other. He never paid debt so truly as to those he employed in the corrupting of the ministers of other princes. He holds league with none but to have the nearer access to do harm by; and a match in kindred shall not hinder it when he intends his advantage once. He disturbs all Christendom with his yearly alarums and armadas, and yet doth less hurt to Infidels and Pirates than any; unless it be to get wherewithal to arm himself against other Christian princes. And he hath an ambition to the whole empire of Christendom. These are motives wherein all Christian princes are interessed, so as with reason they cannot oppose the design : nor will, I think, the most of them: he hath derived himself into such an hatred with them. 1 So H. A has theirs. 2 So H. A has success. So A. H has "when he apprehends his advantage, once he disturbs," etc. 4 So H. A omits to get. 5 hee, A. 1619.] SHORT VIEW OF GREAT BRITAIN AND SPAIN. 27 Let us now betwixt his Majesty and the United Provinces consider how the particular causes of both nations do importune us both to the undertaking thereof. Who hath been so thirsty of our blood as Spain? and who hath spilled so much of it as he? and who hath been so long our enemy? and who hath corrupted so many of our nation as Spain? and that with help of the gold which by reason of the neglect of this design he doth still enjoy, to attempt our weak ones and our false ones withal. Would you find a traitor of a sudden? Balaam's ass will tell you where; at the Spanish ambassador's door. And when? When they come from mass. And otherwise when too? Even when they treated the match with us. For his malice is so great, he cannot hide it: nor will God I hope suffer it. Yet let us examine in reason now, if we be so charitable as to forget what is past, whether we may promise ourselves the assurance of his2 amity for the time to come or not: because peace with a true neighbour is a condition to be embraced. Nothing more certain than the contrary: we cannot promise it. His ambition to the empire, so long as he holdeth the Indies, will never die. The United Provinces are an object which though he hath an eye to, yet he liketh not. What other things we communicate with him in, we shall never be assured of him (such as the nature of his religion) so long as we differ in matters of faith. He knows well enough the peril he stands in if he be attempted by his Majesty and the United Provinces. Consider what suggestions these are to keep him thinking upon, and imagine then what his own heart will prompt him to do when he seeth time for it. 1 This is the passage which dates the composition of this paper. Lorkin, writing on the 16th of March, 1618-9, to Sir Thomas Puckering, tells the story. "I remember when you were in Spain, I advertised you of a scandalous, libellous book entitled Balaam's ass, that was let fall in the gallery at Whitehall, bearing an inscription to the King. One Cotton they suspected, and upon presumption committed to the Tower, where he hath lain ever since. Not many days ago the true author was discovered in a strange fashion. A hungry pursuivant, wanting money and desirous to put himself into some means by work, waited at the Spanish secretary's door, to see if he could light upon a prey. At length came forth one Williams, unknown to him but carrying in his conceit the countenance of a priest. This man he follows, dogging him to his inn." He then relates how "Balaam's ass" with new annotations was discovered upon him, and how he confessed himself the author. Court & Times of James I. vol. ii. p. 146. The allusion proves conclusively that the paper was not written before the thing happened; and makes it probable that it was not written long after. Such a circumstance would hardly be so referred to, except when the news was fresh. 2 So H. A has this. : Hitherto of the hurts that may be prevented by the enterprise now of the fitness and honour of it to be an undertaking of his Majesty. He is the greatest islander of Christendom; therefore a navy is most proper to him. He is the Defender of the Faith, as well in understanding, learning, and godliness, as in title. Therefore the planting of the true Church there is a sacred work that even by office as it were belongs to him. He is of a great and liberal mind: the Indies will afford him the means to exercise it. : These considerations and the multitude of his subjects do seem to invite him and in every part considerable in the design we may find something to persuade us, that seems to be a kind of offer (both in Religion, Policy, and Nature) preferred unto his Majesty as the Prince the fittest for the entertaining of it. 2. What would have been the end if this advice had been followed at this time no one can pretend to say, further than this-it would have been something very different from what it was. The struggle of the nations would have begun upon another ground, for another stake; and the subsequent history-of the continent of Europe certainly, of England probably, would have been materially changed. But one reason among others for concluding that the paper was not drawn up at a later date is that the measures taken by the King had already made the course proposed impracticable. Already the Spaniards, besides reviving his hopes of the match by offering to modify their demands on the point of religion, had appealed to another of his weaknesses,—which deserves perhaps a better name. When civilized nations go to war it is always upon pretence of some wrong done or some danger apprehended; and if the pretence be just, -if the wrong has really been done, or if the danger be real which is apprehended, it should always be possible (provided the parties are justly disposed) to settle the quarrel peaceably by making amends for the one or giving security for the other. When the Bohemian Protestants threw the Government out of the window and established a Directorate, it was on pretence of defending privileges which they had a right to enjoy. When the Emperor of Germany invaded Bohemia, it was to prevent them from using means for redress which they had no right to use. It was clear that some wrong had been done on one side or the other, or on both. It was surely possible to set it right. If the Bohemians had been deprived |