howsoever it was carried in a course of connivance,1 yet the Archduke underhand gave aid and furtherance to Perkin. Wherefore (partly out of courage 2 and partly out of policy) the King forthwith banished all Flemings (as well their persons as their wares) out of his kingdom; commanding his subjects likewise (and by name his Merchants Adventurers) which had a resiance in Antwerp, to return; translating the mart (which commonly followed the English cloth) unto Calais, and embarred also all further trade for the future.3 This the King did, being sensible in point of honour not to suffer a pretender to the crown of England to affront him so near at hand, and he to keep terms of friendship with the country where he did set up. But he had also a further reach; for that he knew well that the subjects of Flanders drew so great commodity from the trade of England, as by this embargo they would soon wax weary of Perkin; and that the tumults of Flanders had been so late and fresh, as it was no time for the Prince to displease the people. Nevertheless for form's sake, by way of requital, the Archduke did

1 i. e. howsoever the Archduke pretended only to connive at the entertainment of Perkin. Utcunque Archidux ad res Perkini connivere tantum simularet.

2 Animum explere cupiens.

8 i. e. all trade between the English and the Flemings. The translation has cum Burgundis; by which word Flemings a few lines above is rendered. It was on the 18th of September, 1493, that the sheriffs were directed to publish the proclamation forbidding mercantile intercourse (by importation or exportation without license under the great seal) with the subjects of the Archduke of Austriche and the Duke of Burgoyne. See Cal. Pat. Rolls, 9 Hen. VII. p. 80.

4 i. e. feeling himself interested in point of honour. The Latin is a little fuller: partim ut nihil honori suo indignum fieri permitteret, qui haud parum perstringi posset si quis ad coronam Angliæ prætensor, &c.

likewise banish the English out of Flanders; which in effect was done to his hand.

The King being well advertised that Perkin did more trust upon friends and partakers within the realm than upon foreign arms, thought it behoved him to apply the remedy where the disease1 lay, and to proceed with severity against some of the principal conspirators here within the realm; thereby to purge the ill humours in England, and to cool the hopes in Flanders. Wherefore he caused to be apprehended, almost at an instant, John Ratcliffe Lord Fitzwater, Sir Symon Mountford, Sir Thomas Thwaites, William Dawbeny, Robert Ratcliffe, Thomas Chressenor, and Thomas Astwood. All these were arraigned, convicted, and condemned for high treason, in adhering and promising aid to Perkin. Of these the Lord Fitzwater was conveyed to Calais, and there kept in hold and in hope of life, until soon after (either impatient or betrayed) he dealt with his keeper to have escaped, and thereupon was beheaded. But Sir Symon Mountford, Robert Ratcliffe, and William Dawbeny, were beheaded immediately after their condemnation. The rest were pardoned, together with many others,2 clerks and laics, amongst which were two Dominican friars, and William Worseley Dean of Paul's; which latter sort passed examination, but came not to public trial.5

1 Fomes morbi.

2 This is omitted in the translation.

8 William Worsely, Clk., Dean of St. Paul's, London, received his pardon on the 6th of June, 1495. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 10 Hen. VII. p. 57.

4 Clerici autem.

5 Tytler in his History of Scotland (vol. iv. p. 374-5.) supplies a fact, not mentioned in any previous history, which is of considerable importance to the understanding of Henry's position at this juncture, and par

The Lord Chamberlain at that time was not touched; whether it were that the King would not stir too many humours at once, but, after the manner of good physicians, purge the head last; or that Clifford (from whom most of these discoveries came) reserved that piece for his own coming over; signifying only to the King in the mean time that he doubted there were some greater ones in the business, whereof he would give the King farther account when he came to his presence.

ticularly of his relations with Scotland. "This discovery," he says, speaking of the information given by Sir R. Clifford, was a fatal blow to the Yorkists. Their project was probably to have proclaimed Perkin in England, whilst his numerous adherents prepared to rise in Ireland; and the Scottish monarch was to break at the head of his army across the Borders, and compel Henry to divide his force. But the Border chiefs, impatient for war, invaded England too soon; and it happened, unfortunately for Warbeck, that whilst a tumultuous force, including the Armstrongs, Elwalds, Crossars, Wighams, Nyksons, and Henrisons, penetrated into Northumberland, with the hope of promoting a rising in favour of the counterfeit Duke of York, the treachery of Clifford had revealed the whole particulars of the conspiracy; and the apprehension and execution of the ringleaders struck such terror into the nation, that the cause of Perkin in that country was for the present considered hopeless." "This raid or invasion," adds Mr. Tytler in a note, "which is unknown to our historians, is mentioned nowhere but in the record of justiciary, Nov. 1493. Mr. Stirling's MS. Chron. Notes, p. 55." The total omission from our histories of so considerable a fact as an incursion of this kind at such a conjuncture and during a truce (especially if Mr. Tytler be right in supposing that it was intended to be part of a combined movement in concert with Flanders, Ireland, and the Yorkists in England) shows how ill we can judge of the questions of state with which Henry had to deal.

It appears from an entry in the Calendar of Patent Rolls, dated 8 March, 8 Hen. VII. [1492-3], that an armed force was then about to be sent into Ireland under Sir Roger Cotton, "to war with the rebels" (p. 71.); who seem to have been speedily suppressed, for we find general pardons granted to several principal persons in Ireland on the 22nd and 30th of March, the 10th of April, and the 29th of May following. See Cal. Pat. Rolls, pp. 85. 81, 82. A fact which agrees very well with Tytler's state

ment.

1 The translation adds ut rem maximi momenti.

Upon Allhallows-day-even, being now the tenth year of the King's reign, the King's second son Henry was created Duke of York; and as well the Duke, as divers others, noblemen, knights-bachelors, and gentlemen of quality, were made Knights of the Bath according to the ceremony. Upon the morrow after Twelfth-day, the King removed from Westminster 1 (where he had kept his Christmas) to the Tower of London. This he did as soon as he had advertisement that Sir Robert Clifford (in whose bosom or budget most of Perkin's secrets were laid up) was comen into England. And the place of the Tower was chosen to that end, that if Clifford should accuse any of the great ones, they might without suspicion or noise or sending abroad of warrants be presently attached; the court and prison being within the cincture of one wall. After a day or two the King drew unto him a selected counsel, and admitted Clifford to his presence; who first fell down at his feet, and in all humble manner craved the King's pardon; which the King then granted, though he were indeed secretly assured of his life before. Then, commanded to tell his knowledge, he did amongst many others (of himself not interrogated) impeach Sir William Stanley, the Lord Chamberlain of the King's household.

The King seemed to be much amazed at the naming of this lord; as if he had heard the news of some strange and fearful prodigy. To hear a man that had done him service of so high a nature as to save his life

1 So Stowe. According to the old Chronicle (Cott. Vitel. A. xvi.) he kept his Christmas at Greenwich.

2 Sir Robert Clifford received his pardon on the 22nd of December, 1494. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 10 Hen. VII. p. 33.

and set the crown upon his head; a man that enjoyed by his favour and advancement so great a fortune both in honour and riches; a man that was tied unto him in so near a band of alliance, his brother having married the King's mother; and lastly a man to whom he had committed the trust of his person, in making him his chamberlain: that this man, no ways disgraced, no ways discontent, no ways put in fear, should be false unto him. Clifford was required to say over again and again the particulars of his accusation; being warned, that in a matter so unlikely, and that concerned so great a servant of the King's, he should not in any wise go too far. But the King finding that he did sadly and constantly (without hesitation or varying, and with those civil protestations that were fit,) stand to that that he had said, offering to justify it upon his soul and life; he caused him to be removed. And after he had not a little bemoaned himself unto his counsel there present, gave order that Sir William Stanley should be restrained in his own chamber, where he lay before, in the square tower. And the next day he was examined by the lords. Upon his examination he denied little of that wherewith he was charged, nor endeavoured much to excuse or extenuate his fault. So that (not very wisely), thinking to make his offence less by confession, he made it enough for condemnation. It was conceived that he trusted much to his former merits and the interest that his brother had in the King. But those helps were over-weighed by divers things that made against him, and were predominant in the King's nature and mind. First, an over-merit; for convenient merit, unto which reward may easily reach, doth best with Kings: Next, the