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noble discovery truly! Pray, what does a barber, a taylor, a cobler eat? Why fish, pot-berbs, and bread, when they come in his way; and a baker can do no more. Let us a little alter the form of the words, and reduce them to a question. I ask then, What man is that who eats fish, pot-herbs, and bread ? A baker, answers NONIUS. And why a baker, rather than any other man? He assigns no reason, and is in the right not to offer at it; but by his filence has left us another Riddle, much more unintelligible than that he pretends to unravel. What then? fhall we thus tamely suffer our friend NÆvius to be tortur’d and mangled by a stupid unmeaning Grammaticafter ? No, dear Student, let us rise bravely in his defence. Why, mun, he was one of us : A wit of the first rank, and wrote nothing without justness and propriety. Had it not been so, HỌRACE would never have pass’d an encomium upon him, equal at least to any he bestows on the best of the old Authors: NÆvius in manibus non eft, &c. “ His 6c works were so much admired, that the book was thrown os aside: they had it all by heart.” Now must we not conclude from hence, that this sentence of his has some real and substantial meaning couch'd under it? that it contains all the properties“ of a just Ænigma ? that the three words predicated are precisely adapted to the subject ? and that they are applicable to him, and him alone? I am really of this opinion; and proceed to give you (as I think) a very intelligible account of them. . .

In the first place, the word edit, which in complaisance to Pliny's authority) is render'd eats, I would have render'd publishes, or exposes to sale. Thus then “ the baker exposes " to fale Neptune, Venus, and Ceres.” But how so? Put for Neptunus fal, for Venus fermentum, and for Ceres triticum, and you have all the ingredients of what he seils ;-his loaf.' Here now is a Riddle indeed! For that Neptune may fairly represent salt, requires but few grains of it to discover : and the putting of Venus for yeast or leaven (which is the froth or foam of some fermented liquor) her Greek name suficiently

juftifics.

justifies. But what shall we say to the last, Ceres and tritis cum ? Here my guide Oedipus deserts me, and refers me to the first Davus I shall meet, for the solution of this great difficulty.

Adieu, Dear STUDENT, for the present: this is my first etay for your fake : wherefore, as you tender your reputation, which for the future I intend to take under my protection, be sure to puff it off handsomely. For I am hugely in love with my persormance, and shall pity those weak wretches (if any such there be) who chufe rather to think with Nonius, than with me and Fove. But after all, if I have not quite hit the mark, yet the most ill-natur’d will admit that my aim was good ; that my cake is not all dough. And if they aliow but some partial solution of the Knigma propos’d to have been made by me, I am at ease : their guts, if not their brains, (probably both together) will suggest to them, that half a loaf is better than no bread.

I am yours, &c.

TROXARTES,

An ORIGINAL LETTER

From RICHARD Baxter (the famous Disenting Minister)

in vindication of his own çor.duct, For the Rev. Dr. RICHARD ALLESTREE, the King's Professor of Theologie at his lodgings in CHRIST CHURCH, OXFORD.

December 20, 1679. . A S your ingenuity giveth me full satisfaction, I am very

desirous to give you such just satisfaction concerning myself, that you may think neither better ner worse of me than I ain. We old men are prone to have kinder thoughts of our childish old acquaintance than of later, and to value moft cheir csteom whom we muil ciconi; and the current

• report

.

teport of your honesty as well as knowledge commandeth a great estimation of you from us all.

I was before the wars offended much at the multitude of ignorant drunken readers who had the care of souls, and the great number of worthy ministers who were cast out and ruined, and of serious Chriftians that were prosecuted for praying together and for little things. I was one of those that were glad that the Parliament 1640 attempted a reformation of these things, which I express’d perhaps too openly. I liv'd in a town (Kiderminster) then famous for riotoufness and drunkenness. They twice rose against me, and thought to kill me ; once for saying that infants had original lin, &c. the next time for persuading the church-wardens to execute the Parliament's orders (the King being yet with them) for defacing the images of the Trinity on the Cross : when they knock'd down two strangers for, my fake, that carried it to their graves. Then the old curate indicted me at the asizes, I never heard for what; but I was forc'd to be gone. If any did but fing a psalm or repeat a sermon in their houses, the rabble cried, down with the Round-Heads, and were ready to destroy them ; so that the religious part of the town were forced to fly after me to Coventree, where we lived quietly ; but having nothing of their own they were constrained to become garrison soldiers, and I took my bare diet to preach once a week, refusing the offered place of captain to the garrison. The news of 200000 murder'd by the Irish and Papilt strength in the King's armies, and the great danger of the Kingdom, was publith'd by the Parliament: my judgment then was, that neither King nor Parliament might lawfully fight against each other ; that the constitution united them, and dividing was diffolving and destroying; and only neceffary defence of the conftitution was lawful; but that the bonun publikum was the essential end of government : and though I thought bath fides faulty, I thought that both the defensive part and the falus populi lay on the Parlia.nent's fide; which I very

openly

openly published and practised accordingly: the Parliament still professing, that they took not arms against the King, but against subjects, that not only fed from justice, but sought by arms to destroy the Parliament, &c. In a word, my principles were the same with Bishop Bilson's (of Subjection) and JEWELL’s, but never fo popular as R. Hooker’s. When I had stay'd in Coventree a year, my father in Shropshire was plundered by the King's soldiers, who never was against the King or conformity. I went into Shropshire, and he was for my fake taken prisoner to Linfall. I stay'd at Longford garrison two months, and got him exchang’d for Mr. R. Fowler. In that time the garrisons being a little more than a mile's distance, the soldiers on each side us'd frequently to have small attempts against each other, in which Judge FIENNE's eldest fon was killid on our fide, and one foldier on their side, and no more that I know of. I was present when the soldier was kill’d: the rest ran away, and our foldiers hurt him not but offer'd him quarter, but he would not take it nor lay down his arms ; and I was one that bid him lay them down, and threatend to shoot him, but hurt him not, lie striking at me with his musket; and misiing me. I rode away from him, and Capt. Holdings the governour, being behind me, shot him dead : and it grieved me the more, because we heard after, he was a Welchman and knew not was said to him. I never saw a man kill'd but this ; nor indeed this, for I was rode away from him. Above 200 prisoners we there took, and all save two or three got away from us through a sink-hole, and the rest were exchang’d. I return'd to Coventrei, and follow'd my fudies another year. All that garrison abhorred fectarian and popular rebellious principles. The Parliament put out the Earl of Ellex and new modelled their armies, and gave FAIRFAX a new commiflion, leaving out the King; when before all the soldiers commislions were to fight for King and Parliament. Naseby fight suddenly followed. Being near, I went fome days after to see the field and arny: when I came to them (before

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Leicester) divers orthodox captains told me, that we were all like to be undone, and all along of the Ministers, who had all (fave Mr. BowLES) forsaken the army, and the Sectaries had thereby turn'd their preachers, and possess’d them with destructive principles against King, Parliament, and Church; and now they said; God's providence had put the trust of the people’s fafety into our hands, and théy would, when the conquest was finish'd; change the government of Church and State, and become our lords. This struck me to the heart : I went among them and found it true. Hereupon they perfuaded me yet to come among them; and got WHALEY (then fober and against those men) to invite me to his regiment, the most sectarian and powerful in the army. I went home to Coventrees and slept not till I had calld together about twelve or more reverend ministers who then liv'd here, (divers are yet living) and told them our sad case, and that I had an invitation, and was willing to venture my life in trial to change the soldiers minds. I asked leave of the committee and governours, who consented. Before midnight the gar" rison reviled the committee for consenting. They sent for me again, and told me I must not go, the soldiers would mutiny. I told them I had promised, and would go. But I foolishly to satisfy them told them my reasons, which - set Col. PUREFOY in a rage against me for so accusing the army. The next morning I went, and met with the conse: quent of my error ; for CROMWELL had notice of what I said, and came about before I could get thither, and I was met with scorn, as one that came to save Church and State from the army. There I staid awhile, and found, being but one in the place, I could do but little good. I got Mr. Cook to help me, who since helped Sir GEORCE Booth into

Chester for the King, and was imprisoned for it, tho' now he * is filenced. He and I spent our time in disputing against the

destroyers, and so far prevailed as to render the feducers in that regiment contemned, except in one troop or a few more. I told the orthodox Parliament of their danger. But · Numb. V.

CROM

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