noble discovery truly! Pray, what does a barber, a taylor, a cobler eat? Why fifb, pot-herbs, and bread, when they come in his way; and a baker can do no more. Let us a little. alter the form of the words, and reduce them to a question. I ask then, What man is that who eats fifh, pot-herbs, and bread? A baker, anfwers NONIUS. And why a baker, rather than any other man? He affigns no reafon, and is in the right not to offer at it; but by his filence has left us another Riddle, much more unintelligible than that he pretends to unravel. What then? fhall we thus tamely fuffer our friend NAVIUS to be tortur'd and mangled by a stupid unmeaning Grammaticafter? No, dear Student, let us rife bravely in his defence. Why, mun, he was one of us: A wit of the first rank, and wrote nothing without juftnefs and propriety. Had it not been fo, HORACE would never have pafs'd an encomium upon him, equal at least to any he bestows on the best of the old Authors: NAVIUS in manibus non eft, &c. "His " works were so much admired, that the book was thrown "afide: they had it all by heart." Now muft we not conclude from hence, that this fentence of his has fome real and substantial meaning couch'd under it? that it contains all the properties of a just Ænigma? that the three words predicated are precifely adapted to the fubject? and that they are applicable to him, and him alone? I am really of this opinion; and proceed to give you (as I think) a very intelligible account of them.

In the first place, the word edit, which (in complaifance to PLINY's authority) is render'd eats, I would have render'd publishes, or expofes to fale. Thus then "the baker expofes "to fale Neptune, Venus, and Ceres." But how fo? Put for Neptunus fal, for Venus fermentum, and for Ceres triticum, and you have all the ingredients of what he fells ;-his loaf. Here now is a Riddle indeed! For that Neptune may fairly reprefent falt, requires but few grains of it to difcover: and the putting of Venus for yeast or leaven (which is the froth or foam of fome fermented liquor) her Greek name fufficiently juftifics.

juftifies. But what shall we fay to the laft, Ceres and triticum? Here my guide Oedipus deferts me, and refers me to the firft Davus I fhall meet, for the folution of this great difficulty.

Adieu, Dear STUDENT, for the present: this is my first. effay for your fake: wherefore, as you tender your reputation, which for the future I intend to take under my protection, be fure to puff it off handsomely. For I am hugely in love with my performance, and fhall pity thofe weak wretches (if any fuch there be) who chufe rather to think with NONIUS, than with me and Jove. But after all, if I have not quite hit the mark, yet the moft ill-natur'd will admit that' my aim was good; that my cake is not all dough. And if they allow but fome partial folution of the Enigma propos'd to have been made by me, I am at ease: their guts, if not their brains, (probably both together) will fuggeft to them, that half a loaf is better than no bread.

I am yours, &c.

TROXARTES,

An ORIGINAL LETTER

From RICHARD BAXTER (the famous Diffenting Minister) in vindication of his own conduct,

For the Rev. Dr. RICHARD ALLESTREE, the King's Profeffor of Theologie at his lodgings in CHRIST CHURCH, OXFORD.

A

December 20, 1679.

S your ingenuity giveth me full fatisfaction, I am very defirous to give you fuch just fatisfaction concerning myfelf, that you may think neither better nor worfe of me than I am. We old men are prone to have kinder thoughts of our childifh old acquaintance than of later, and to value moft their efteem whom we moft eftçem; and the current

герор

2

report of your honefty as well as knowledge commandeth a great eftimation of you from us all.

I was before the wars offended much at the multitude of ignorant drunken readers who had the care of fouls, and the great number of worthy minifters who were caft out and ruined, and of ferious Chriftians that were profecuted for praying together and for little things. I was one of those that were glad that the Parliament 1640 attempted a reformation of thefe things, which I exprefs'd perhaps too openly. I liv'd in a town (Kederminster) then famous for riotoufnefs and drunkenness. They twice rofe against me, and thought to kill me; once for faying that infants had original fin, &c. the next time for perfuading the church-wardens to execute the Parliament's orders (the King being yet with them) for defacing the images of the Trinity on the Cross; when they knock'd down two ftrangers for, my fake, that carried it to their graves. Then the old curate indicted me at the affizes, I never heard for what; but I was forc'd to be gone. If any did but fing a pfalm or repeat a fermon in their houfes, the rabble cried, down with the Round-Heads, and were ready to deftroy them; fo that the religious part of the town were forced to fly after me to Coventree, where we lived quietly; but having nothing of their own they were conftrained to become garrifon foldiers, and I took my bare diet to preach once a week, refufing the offered place of captain to the garrifon. The news of 200000 murder'd by the Irish and Papift ftrength in the King's armies, and the great danger of the Kingdom, was publish'd by the Parliament: my judgment then was, that neither King nor Parliament might lawfully fight against each other; that the conftitution united them, and dividing was diffblying and defroying; and only neceffary defence of the conftitution was lawful; but that the bonum publicum was the effential end of government: and though I thought both fides faulty, I thought that both the defenfive part and the falus populi lay on the Parliament's fide; which I

very

openly

openly published and practifed accordingly: the Parliament ftill profeffing, that they took not arms against the King, but against fubjects, that not only fled from juftice, but fought by arms to deftroy the Parliament, &c. In a word, my principles were the fame with Bishop BILSON's (of Subjection) and JEWELL'S, but never fo popular as R. HOOKER'S. When I had ftay'd in Coventree a year, my father in Shropshire was plundered by the King's foldiers, who never was against the King or conformity. I went into Shropshire, and he was for my fake taken prifoner to Linfhall. I ftay'd at Longford garrifon two months, and got him exchang'd for Mr. R. FoWLER. In that time the garrifons being a little more than a mile's diftance, the foldiers on each fide us'd frequently to have small attempts against each other, in which Judge FIENNE's eldeft fon was kill'd on our fide, and one foldier on their fide, and no more that I know of. I was prefent when the foldier was kill'd: the rest ran away, and our foldiers hurt him not but offer'd him quarter, but he would not take it nor lay down his arms; and I was one that bid him lay them down, and threaten'd to fhoot him, but hurt him not, he striking at me with his musket, and miffing me. I rode away from him, and Capt. HOLDINGS the governour, being behind me, fhot him dead and it grieved me the more, because we heard after, he was a Welchman and knew not was faid to him. I never faw a man kill'd but this ;-nor indeed this, for I was rode away from him. Above 200 prifoners we there took, and all fave two or three got away from us through a fink-hole, and the reft were exchang'd. I return'd to Coventree, and follow'd my fludies another year. All that garrifon abhorred fectarian and popular rebellious principles. The Parliament put out the Earl of Effex and new modelled their armies, and gave FAIRFAX a new commiffion, leaving out the King; when before all the foldiers commiflions were to fight for King and Parliament. Nafeby fight fuddenly followed. Being near, I went fome days after to fee the field and army: when I came to them (before Leicester

Leicester) divers orthodox captains told me, that we were all like to be undone, and all along of the Ministers, who had all (fave Mr. BowLES) forfaken the army, and the Sectaries had thereby turn'd their preachers, and poffefs'd them with destructive principles against King, Parliament, and Church; and now they said, God's providence had put the truft of the people's fafety into our hands, and they would, when the conqueft was finish'd, change the government of Church and State, and become our lords. This ftruck me to the heart: I went among them and found it true. Hereupon they perfuaded me yet to come among them, and got WHALEY (then fober and against those men) to invite me to his regiment, the most sectarian and powerful in the army. I went home to Coventree, and flept not till I had call'd together about twelve or more reverend minifters who then liv'd here, (divers are yet living) and told them our fad cafe, and that I had an invitation, and was willing to venture my life in trial to change the foldiers minds. I asked leave of the committee and governours, who confented. Before midnight the garrifon reviled the committee for confenting. They fent for me again, and told me I must not go; the foldiers would mutiny. I told them I had promised, and would go. But I foolishly to fatisfy them told them my reasons, which set Col. PUREFOY in a rage against me for fo accusing the ar my. The next morning I went, and met with the confe quent of my error; for CROMWELL had notice of what I faid, and came about before I could get thither, and I was met with fcorn, as one that came to fave Church and State from the army. There I ftaid awhile, and found, being but one in the place, I could do but little good. I got Mr. Cook to help me, who fince helped Sir GEORGE BOOTH into Chefter for the King, and was imprisoned for it, tho' now he is filenced. He and I spent our time in difputing against the deftroyers, and fo far prevailed as to render the feducers in that regiment contemned, except in one troop or a few I told the orthodox Parliament of their danger. But

more.

Numb. V.