That this state of public affairs was calculated to excite warmth of feeling, and to call forth a strong expression of that warmth must be ob-vious-and will not merely account for, but justify the high-wrought passages to be found in the work, which, under other circumstances, might perhaps be indefensible.

It will be asked, what good purpose can the re-publication of this work answer at present? Is it not, it will be said, far better to bury the hatchet, and to consign these things to oblivion, than to keep alive animosity and discord?

Were the tendency of the Olive Branch to keep alive discord, I should unhesitatingly consign it to the flames. But I utterly disbelieve this will or can be the consequence.. I cannot admit that a fair detail of the mutual follies of the two parties, has a tendency to perpetuate hostility between them. It is contrary to reason, common sense, and the universal experience of mankind.

66

Peace, or harmony, or conciliation, is not to be hoped for, while both parties clothe themselves in the deceptious mantle of self-righteousness-while they not only believe themselves immaculate, but their opponents monsters unredeemed by any virtue." Nothing but a serious, solemn, and deep-rooted conviction on both sides, of egregious misconduct, can lead to that temper of mind which is necessary to produce a mild, conciliating spirit. While both parties act the part of the selfapproving pharisee, we might with equal chance of success attempt to unite fire and water-light and darkness-virtue and vice, as to reconcile them. But when both regard themselves in their true light, as of-fenders against their duties to their country, they will be disposed to forgive that they may be forgiven. This idea, which is the basis whereonthis work rests, has been more than once stated, and cannot be too often repeated, and inculcated on the public mind.

I fondly hope this work will have other uses-that it may serve as a beacon to other times than ours. When a navigator discovers new shoals, and rocks and quicksands, he marks them on his chart, to admon-ish future navigators to be on their guard, and to shun the destruction to which ignorance might lead.

This strongly applies to our case. By an extraordinary mixture of folly and wickedness, we had run the vessel of state on rocks and quicksands, and breakers, where she was in imminent danger of perishing. We had brought to the verge of perdition the noblest form of government, and the most free and happy people, that the sun ever beheld. But thanks to heaven-not to our virtue,t our public spirit, or our liberality-we

the declamatory speeches of two or three days long, occupied as much time as parliament would have required to raise fifty millions of money, and to provide means for embodying an army of 50,000 men.

* Monstra nulla virtute redempta.

The illustrious heroes of the western country-our gallant navy-several of our generals and armies on the lines-the citizens of Baltimore, and of Stonington-the garrison at Crany Island-and the people of some other places-are obviously exempt from this censure. And never was there greater energy displayed than in New York, in making preparations for the warm reception of an enemy. But when we consider the violence of the eastern states against the rulers chosen by the people, the torpor and indifference of the mighty state of Pennsylvania, and of other portions of the union, we must heave a sigh, and draw a veil over past scenes.

have escaped. We have arrived safe in port. I have endeavored to delineate a chart of the most formidable of the rocks on which our vessel was striking, to serve as a guide to future state pilots. I trust the chart cannot be examined attentively without benefit. It establishes an important, but most awful political maxim, that during the prevalence of the destructive, and devouring, and execrable spirit of faction, men, otherwise good and respectable, will too frequently sacrifice, without scruple or remorse, the most vital interests of their country, under the dictates, and to promote the views, of violent, and ambitious leaders! What a terrific subject of contemplation!

The publication of this book has decided one point of considerable importance to the truth of history, and to the happiness of mankind. This point is, that it is not quite so dangerous, as has been supposed, for a writer to draw a portrait of his cotemporaries-provided the features be faithfully and impartially delineated. It has been too generally presumed that it is utterly unsafe to write of our own times with truth. With this idea I was impressed when I engaged in the work. And it required no common stimulus to inspire me with the hardihood the undertaking required.

But the event has falsified the anticipation. Without any of the advantages that office, or rank, or connexions afford, I have dared publicly to call faction, and jacobinism, and disorganization-as well as factious men, and jacobins, and disorganizers-by their proper names, without distinction of party. And the reliance I placed upon the good sense of the public has not been disappointed. My efforts have been received by a large portion of the good and great men of the nation with a favour and kindness, which fill my heart with the most exquisite pleasure-and amply repay my trouble and my risk-the sacrifice of my business and of my enjoyments, during the progress of the work-and hold out encouragement to political writers to shun that slavish and dishonorable devotion to party, whereby truth is sacrificed, and history made a mere tissue of fables. If no other effect had been produced by this book, 1 should not have written in vain.

The advantages of cotemporaneous writing are numerous and weighty. When the passing events are recorded and commented on, while they are as it were spread before our eyes, it only requires honesty of intention to make the portrait a tolerable likeness. But when we treat on occurrences of " years that are past and gone," it is like tracing the features of a deceased friend from memory. The great and leading outlines may be correct-but in filling up the drawing, many of the most important characteristics must escape.

It may not be improper to warn the reader that I am attached to, and in general approve of the political views and most part (not the whole by any means) of the conduct of that party which was stigmatized as anti-federal, before the adoption of the federal constitution, and is now entitled democratic or republican. We were called anti-federalists. begauze we were eager to have the constitution amended previous to its ratification, doubting the practicability of amendment afterwards. We were wild and extravagant enough to see despotism in many of its features, and were so fatuitous and blind as not to have the slightest idea of danger from the state governments. We have lived to see our miserable infatuation, and to deprecate and deplore its consequences.

My reason for this explicit avowal is, to induce the reader to receive my opinions and inferences with that saution which is necessary, from

the probability of my being under the influence of that bies, which more or less, every man feeels towards the party to which he is attached ; and which, rotwisthstanding í have sedulously endeavored to guard against its influence, may have occasionally ted me astray. To no human being has heaven deigned to impart infallibility: and it would be almost a miracle, if, in such a wide scope as I have taken, I were not sometimes warped by passion or prejudice.

But to this it is proper to add, that I believe no man ever wrote a book of this extent, and embracing such a variety of subjects, who made lighter demands on the complaisance or credulity of his readers than I have done. For as the subject I have discussed are of incalculable moment as the happines or misery of unborn millions, as well as of this generation, depends on the course we steer-as that course must be materially affected by the correctness or errors of the views we may take of our past system of conduct-and as I have dared to cite before the bar of the public, men of high standing-great talents-great wealth-and powerful influence---I have judged it proper to support, as far as in my power, and to a degree hardly ever exceeded, all my important facts, by documents of undeniable authority. Many of my readers will probably believe that I have gone unnecessary lengths in this respect. But I trust I have not. It is at all events far better to produce too much evidence than too little.

Were every line of my own writing in this work annihilated, the documents, which are its bones, and sinews, and muscels, would be amply adequate to establish the positions I meant to prove.

The strong style I have used in treating of the conduct of the eastern federalists, will be censured. But it may be defended on impregnable ground. In all their lucubrations on the motives of the war-the proceedings of the administration-and the conduct of their opponentsthey uniformly employ the most unqualified terms of reprobation and condemnation. To sheer, downright wickedness, all the errors and misfortunes that have occurred, are ascribed. There is not the slightest shade of allowance made for human imperfection. A deep, wicked, and desperate conspiracy to destroy commerce is assumed as the leading motive of government. And all its measures are ascribed to and accounted for by, this absurd, this unfounded, this often refuted allegation.

Those who shew no mercy, have no right to complain, if they are themselves treated with strict and unrelenting justice, "With what measure ye mete, it shall be measured to you again."

I have in the appendix, considerably extended the subjects of this work.

The pacific policy which our local situation affords us reason to hope we may safely pursue, and which our interest dictates, has induced me to review the restrictive system, and to point out its decisive effects on the prosperity of England. It is a most potent weapon---and, had not faction deprived it of its efficacy, would have insured us complete justice, and averted the horrors of warfare. To the defeat of this mild, but powerful instrument, we may justly charge all the carnage and the expense of the war.

An efficient and safe mode of defence, whereby foreign aggression may be prevented, and internal tranquility preserved, is the greatest desideratum in our political system. It is the key-stone of the arch of our freedom and happiness. I have therefore gone most copiously into the consideration of the subject. The authority I have produced is irresistible.

Neither Pringle, nor Cullen, nor Sydenham, on medicine--nor Black, nor Lavoisier, nor Chaptal on Chemistry---nor Luther, nor Calvin nor Wesley, among their respective followers, on religion---are superior authority to general Washington on militia service. I have therefore availed myself of his testimony, to an extent which nothing but the immense magnitude of the subject could justify.

I have, likewise, in the appendix analyzed a small pamphlet, which I published last November, entitled, "A calm address to the people of the eastern states," wherein I have given a full view of the very erroneous opinions entertained respecting the slave representation; and I think fully proved, that notwithstanding the unceasing outcry and clamor on. the subject in the eastern states from the time of the organization of the government, those states have uniformly had more than their share of influence in the legislature of the union, without having any regard to the slave population. In the course of this investigation I have made two curious discoveries-one, that New-York and Delaware have each a slave representative-and the other, that Massachusetts, although she has no slaves, has a representative of her black population.

Before I dismiss the work from my hands, feeling the solicitude of a parent for his offspring, I cannot refrain from once more requesting the reader, when he discovers any errors of style or matter-any deficiency or redundancy-or, in a word, any thing to censure, that he will bear in mind the disadvantages under which I have written----in hours stolen from sleep, and during the pressure of a business which in no common de-gree requires all the energies of body and mind; that I have in my various editions, and in the public papers, solicited the suggestion of errors, which, if pointed out, I promised to correct;--and that I have also in the papers, and privately, in vain solicited communications from those who could and ought to have afforded them.

On subjects that have employed so many thousand pens and toagues, much novelty cannot be expected. It is possible that there is not a new idea in the whole work. All that Dr. Franklin or Patrick Henry could claim in the investigation of topics so long hack nied as those I have discussed, is the arrangement.

I fondly flatter myself that in this work will be found materials for a complete defence of the the American nation in its intercourse with England. I am grossly deceived if the mild, forbearing, pacific system pursued by this country for so many years, amidst such grievous provocations, will not universally receive, as it deserves, the praise----and the oppressive, outrageous, and injurious conduct of England to us, the censure of all Christendom.

It would be gross injustice to me to suppose, that I wish to perpetu-ate the hatred between the two nations. It is very far from my intention. It is the interest of the United States, and will be their policy, if treated with common decency or justice, to cultivate peace with all the world. And I am much deceived, if a plain and candid exposure of the vexatious, harrassing, insulting, and outrageous policy pursued by the successive ministers of England, from the year 1798, will not be the best means of preventing a recurrence of such impolitic and unjust conduct. They have deeply injured us. But the injury they inflicted on the vital interests of their own nation, has far exceeded what we have suffered.

PREFACE

TO THE SIXTH EDITION.

Philadelphia, Sept. 6, 1815.

ONCE more and probably for the last time, I offer the "Olive Branch," to my fellow citizens; improved and enlarged as far as in my power. I feel grateful for the kindness and indulgence extended to its imperfections.

Of the origin and progress of a work, which has succeded so far be yond all human expectation, I may, perhaps, be permitted without in curring the charge of vanity, to give a brief account. Should the detail

be really chargeable to vanity, (no man can judge correctly of himself) I hope it will be regarded as a venial failing.

EARLY in September, 1814, I was under as great a depression of mind, about the state of affairs, public and private, as I have ever expe rienced. A deep and awful gloom pervaded the thinking part of the community! Thick clouds and darkness covered the horizon! The keenest eye could not behold, and could hardly anticipate a single spark of sunshine! Washington had been taken and its public buildings destroyed with Gothic barbarity! Alexandria had been pillaged as I plundered! Hampton had suffered rape and rapine! Baltimore was menaced with signal vengeance, and pointed out for military execution, in papers published by citizens of the United States!! Philadelphia and New York were held in a state of the most alarming suspense, and in daily expectation of a hostile visit---and, of perhaps sharing the fate of Washington and Alexandria !

PREFACE

TO THE SEVENTH EDITION.

I have made a number of alterations, additions, and amendments in the pres ent edition, for which I solicit a continuance of that public indulgence and fivor which have been so liberally bestowed on me heretofore.

The three last chapters are entirely new The subject of the seventy third is of vital importance to the peace and harmony of the country How far I have succeede in establishing the positions I have undertaken to prove, I submit to the decision of an enlightened community.