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tor understands by all others of a like fort? He concludes from all this, that learned men have not courage enough to acknow

their ignorance on certain occasions, even when they themfelves are sensible of it. This we believe to be very true: and this is more especially the case with the Latin translators of Greek authors, who giving word for word, and only taking care of the grammatical construction, have transmitted the obscurity of difficult passages in their translations, and hoped that their readers would impute this obscurity either to the original author, or to their own incapacity. The Abbé BATTEUX finds the paffage in question difficult, but he thinks he has hit off the true explication. His translation of the whole definition is as follows : Tragedy is the imitation of an action that is elevated entire, and of a certain extent, &c. producing in us, not by a recital, but by terror and pity, THESE emotions or PASSIONS, purged or purified from what is disagreeable in them * We thewed, in a preceding Appendix t, what ideas the Abbé attaches to these terms. According to him, the end of tragedy, as defined by Aristotle, is, (by the exhibition of a fictitious catastrophe) to make us feel the paflions of pity and terror disengaged from the circumstances that render them painful. The Grecian philosopher had observed, says our Academician, that the emotions of joy from fictitious objects produce a fort of dejection in the mind when the scene is finithed, and concluded from hence that scenes, productive of pity and terror, were preferable in tragedy, as they excite emotion without anguish, fear without danger, and compassion without the existence of miserable objects; and thus the passions of fear and compassion affect the mind without tormenting it, and are disengaged, or (as Aristotle expresses it) purged from the poignancy and dejection that accompany them in real life.

All this is very ingenious--but it happens not to be true: the three last words of Aristotle's definition have been totally misunderstood : for the word rá nua is never employed by him to signify polions, and the translators have not attended to the propriety of the Greek language in the different ideas it conveys by. the words παθος and παθημα; by the latter of which is always meant not paflions (which are expressed by the former), but sufferings or calamities. Again, the word xaf apot does not here mean purification or refinement ; for, though xc6 scípw significs often to clean, purge or purify, this is only its secondary signification, formed, indeed, by an eafy and natural transition from its

* La tragedie eft l'imitation d'une action noble, entiere, d'une certaine etendue, &c. pour produire en nous, non par le recit, mais par la terreur et la pitie, ces emotions purgeés de ce qu'elles ont de desagréable.

+ See the Appendix to the fixty-first volume of our Review, p. 524:


primitive and original sense, which is, to remove something entirely. So that the end of tragedy, as it is represented by Aristotle, is, by exhibiting certain calamities on the stage, to remove fuch calamities (TOLYTWV Ta@nu.atwv) out of human life, by exciting the pity and terror of the audience at the representation of them. The first person (if we are not mistaken), who hit off this happy explication of the difficult passage in question, was the late Dr. James Moor, professor of Greek in the University of Glasgow *.

Critical Remarks on the Text, and on certain Translations of the Hippolytus of Euripides. By M. Dupuy.

in Enquiry into the Philosophy of Cicero. First Memoir. By Mr. Gautier' de Sibert. In order to form a true judgment on this subject, our Author has thought it neceffary to make a previous enquiry into the manner in which philosophy was introduced into Rome—the progress it had already made there in the time of Cicero-the number of academical sects, and their peculiar and distinguishing tenets-the sect which Cicero em braced, and what he properly meant when he called himself an Academic Philofopher. These points are learnedly discussed in this first part of the Memoir before us; but our Academician walks here in a beaten path of erudition, and throws no new light, as yet, on the philosophy of Cicero, whatever he may do in the second part, in which he promises an analytical view of the doctrine of the Roman sage, extracted from his works. Every one knows, that Cicero was not one of those cloudy-headed and fuperficial academics who doubted about every thing, against which human ignorance could form complaints of obscurity, or metaphysical fophiftry raise objections: it is well known, that his affuming the title of an academic was designed to keep him disengaged from the servitude of system, and from the despotism of philosophical sectarism, and thus free to embrace the truth in whatever sect or party he found it.

Remarks on certain Medals of the Emperor Antoninus, Aruck in Egypt. By the Abbé BARTHELEMY.

An Examination of the History of the Ephesian Matron, and of the different Imitations it has occafioned. By M. DACIER. Á moft infipid mass of philology.

An Account of a Greek Manufcript in the King's Library, in the Hand-writing of the Sixteenth Century, on 4to Paper, and mark. ed 12912. By M. DACIER. The work contained in this Manuscript is indicated in the title by the word SYNTIPAS: we learn from the same title, that it is a translation, and even a strictly literal one, from the Syriac into Greek. A kind of ar

* See a small Pamphlet of his intitled, An Esay on the end of Tra. gedy, according to Aristotle ; of which an account was given in Monche ly Review, vol. XXX. p. 64.


gument or summary of contents, which probably has been prefixed to it by the translator, unfolds the subject of it in the following manner : “ The history of the philofopher, written by us, “ regards Cyrus King of Persia, his legitimate fon, Syntipas, “ the preceptor of the young prince, the seven philosophers of " the king, and one of his wives, who was equally ill-natured " and immodest :- the Reader w.ll, moreover, see in this work, " the calumnies and intrigues invented by that stepmother to “ ruin the young Cyrus.” This is a curious roinance, and must have been well known in all nations; for it has appeared in all languages. The Greek, as we observed already, was translated from the Syriac, and the Syriac was (as our Academician informs us), translated from the Hebrew, the Arabic, or the Persian. The remarks of M. DACIER on this piece are worthy of the name he bears,

There are some other MEMOIRS, of more curiosity than importance ; for which we refer to the original publication.


ART. IX. Voyage Pittoresque de la Grece. Chap. VII. & VIII.-Travels through different parts of Greece, represented in a Series of Engravings, large Folio, No. 7 and 8, Paris 1780 and 1781. (See our late Reviews and Appendixes. ]

No. VII.
FTER the ifle of Rhodes, the little island of Symeo, whore

inhabitants, male and female, have carried the art of diving farther than any other people, drew the curious attention of the Count de Choiseul G. From thence he set out in quest of antiquities for the Gulph of Macri, called, in times of old, Glaucus-Sinus, which is represented in the sixty-third plate, the first of this seventh number. Here he met with the ruins of Telmissus, 'from which city the gulph of Macri was, also, formerly called Telmiffidus Sinus, as we learn from Livy and Lucan.

The origin, however, of Telmissus has escaped all the researches of our learned Traveller ; but the remains of a theatre, and the rich fragments, of magnificent tombs, which he discovered in its ruins, are proofs of its past opulence and grandeur. These are represented in NINE separate PLATES. The remains of the tombs (those splendid monuments of superstition and vånity, fuppored to give a kind of pre-eminence to the great even after death), are indeed magnificent. Several of their plans are fingular. The great Sarcophagus resembles an edifice built of wood; and it is well known what pains the ancients often took to give their tombs the forms of their houses. In the marble urns that abound in Italy, it is easy to discern the roof of a house with all its divifions; in some also we see the door shut, in others half open, and in several, guarded by the genius of death; and, it is


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more than probable, that the domus exilis Plutonia in Horace fignified the fepulchral monument. As the tombs of Persepolis bear a striking analogy to those of Telmissus, our Author has given us the representation of a tomb at Naxi-Ruslan, erected near the ruins of the former. These analogies, which are here the objects of a learned and ample disquisition, illustrate, no doubt, the history of the arts, and the communications which they suppose, and which they produced between ancient nations.

The view, and the geometrical plans bere exhibited, of the remains of the theatre of Telmissus, are curious, well drawn, and like the rest of the work, pertect, as to the engraving. This theatre was formed on the declivity of a hill, in the fame manner as that of Bacchus at Athens, and, in general, all the Grecian theatres. It is built of a blue grey stone exceedingly hard. All the circular part of the edifice, on which the spectators were placed, is well preserved ; but the extremities, which joined the profcenium, and were not sustained by the ground, are totally destroyed. All this part, together with the stage, is filled with rubbish, which renders the foundations inacceslible. The interior elevation of the stage was divided by five gates, accompanied with pedestals on which probably columns or statues were placed. Under this elevation appear the void spaces, designed to receive the beams which supported the stage. Three paffages are also difcernible, which were under the stage, and led to the orchestra,

By an allegorical print, which concludes this Number, the Author informs us, that none of the medals of Telmissus have escaped the ruins of time. In this composition we see the wasting power of time, considered in its different modes or aspects. The Past is represented under the figure of an aged man, leaning upon tombs and ruins; the PRESENT under that of a youth, who destroys every thing by his rapid Aight-and FUTURITY under the emblem of a winged infant, who whets his fcythe. The French have a peculiar talent at embellishing trifles; but this is an ingenious decoration of nothing.

No. VIII. PLATE LXXIII. exhibits a complete chart of the Author's voyage from the gulph of Macri to the Meander. His paffage through Caria gives him an opportunity of enlarging upon the history and antiquity of the Carians, and the different sovereigns under whose domination they lived successively. After many revolutions, their reduction into the form of a Roman province under Vespasian, obliged them ever after to share the destinies and fate of the Roman empire, until the consequences of the Croisades subjected them to new bonds, and new tyrants, among the Asiatics.

A large tree, the view of a village, and a groupe of figures, which represent his fellow-travellers, furnith our Author with


the materials of his 74th plate, which exhibits his halt and rési-
ing-place near the village of Dourla h in Caria. We hope he rest-
ed well, and that his pullets were tender; for they, and an otter,
are the only objects we meet with in this part of his pere-
grination. Why multiply plates without any vocation from
tafte, instruction, or curiosity ?

The 75th plate represents the reception which our noble Tra-
veller met with from Hafan Tchaouch Oglou at Moglad, a city
raised upon the ruins of Alinda. This old man had rendered
himself independent on the Ottoman Porte by his opulence and
courage, and acted the fovereign with spirit and capacity. The
.conversation that passed between him and our Traveller reads
well enough, when we have the handsome print of the Aga's
palace before us ; it would lose by being exhibited in scraps, and
we cannot afford room for the whole.

The Palace of the liga of Eski-Hisar is the subject of the 76th
plate, and a very poor business it is. The inconfiderable village
of Eski-Hisar may have been (as Pocock and Chandler suppole)
the ancient Stratonicea, which was founded by the Macedonians,
and received its name from the Queen of Antiochus Soter ; but
there are no vestiges remaining of its ancient temples mentioned
in history, as dedicated to Hecate and Jupiter Chrysaoreus, where
all the cities of Caria fent, annually, deputies to offer sacrifices
in common, and to regulate the general affairs of their confede-
rated republic.

The 77th plate represents a Turkish festival, which resembles
a good deal the dances and merry-making of the Flemings in the
prints of Teniers, with this difference, that the dress of the
Turks is more elegant, and the motions of the dancers more
violent than those of the phlegmatic inhabitants of the Austrian

The 78th and 79th plates exhibit the remains of several an-
cient tombs and monuments; and the two following, which
conclude this Number, represent the ruins of Stratonicea; among
other fragments, are those of the theatre.

This Number is terminated by a drawing which recals to re-
membrance the misfortunes of Monimia, and exhibits fome me.
dals of the cities already mentioned. The medal of Alinda re-
presents, on one side, the head of Hercules, and, on the other,
his club and the lion's skin. There are two medals also of Stra.
tonicea, the figures and characters of which make us recollect the
games that were celebrated in that city: on the first, we see an
altar with the fire kindled between two torches-on the reverse,
an Athletic horseman holding a steed by the bridle. On the
second, there is a VICTORY holding a crown and a palm branch,
and on the reverse, the name of Stratonicea inclosed in a crown
of laurel.

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