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Governor's behaviour was surely not only illegal, but brutal, and indecent.

So great was the Bishop's attachment to his flock, that no temptation could reduce him from their service. He more than once refused the offer of an English bishopric.

There is an anecdote of his Lordship and Cardinal Fleury, which does great credit to them both. 6 The Cardinal wanted much to see him, and sent over on purpose to enquire after his health, his age, and the date of his consecration, as they were the two oldest bifhops, and he believed the poorest, in Europe ; at the same time inviting him to France. The Bishop fent the Cardinal an answer, which gave him so high an opinion of him, that the Cardinal obtained an order that no French privateer should ravage the Isle of Man.'

This good Prelate lived till the year 1755, dying at the ad. vanced age of 93.

Though the Bishop's writings bear no great marks of shining abilities, yet they breathe such a genuine spirit of unaffected piety and benevolence, as cannot fail to afford pleasure in the perural. With respect to fome speculative points, widely as we may differ from this very excellent man, we are ready to acknowledge, that in his life and manners he has left an example of primitive and apostolical simplicity that will rarely be equalled.

The following short specimen will convey some idea of the ftyle and manner of his pulpit compositions, in which he made it a rule to avoid all deep and unuseful speculations ; all matters of controversy that do not necessarily offer themselves; and all juvenile affectation of fine language, wit, and learning.'

You will remember, that every man is your neighbour and your brother, who may be benefited by your love. That God is our common Father, and that all we are brethren. That we are all members of the fame body, of which Jefus Christ is the head.

That God has so ordered matters, that the members of this body should depend one upon another.

That the poor should depend upon the rich for their fubfiftence; and the rich, whatever they think of it, shall receive a greater advantage from the prayers of the poor. You will then call to mind how you are to express your love to your neighbour. The command says, YOU ARE TO LOVE HIM AS YOURSELF. You know, without a teacher, how you love yourself; that you wish and take satisfaction in your own welfare and prosperity. That you are forry when any evil or mischief befalls yourself. You do not love to have your own faults aggravated, or your good name abused; and how ready you

find excuses for your own mistakes. In short, you know very well how you would have others to thew their love for you. And that it is no small


Comfort for the ignorant and unlearned, that their duty is contained in so few words, and that they can easily understand it, by considering how they love, how they would be dealt with themselves! Vol. II. p. 11,


Art. V. An Inquiry into the Origin and Consequences of the Influence of

the Crown over Parliament. Submitted to the Confideration of the Electors of Great Britain. 8vo. 1 s. 6 d. Dodfley. 1780.

HIS Inquirer does not shew much judgment in the

choice of a guide to set out with ; for Pope, though a polished poet, and a well-informed moralist, was certainly a splenetic satirist, and nursed in the bosom of the Romila church. That he possessed not a political'idea, is manifest from the very couplet which the Writer adopts as a fundamental maxim :

• For forms of government let fools contest,

Whate'er is best adminifter'd is beft.' It is our humble opinion, that a sentiment more fuperficial, more false, or more dangerous to freedom, was never broached. It was not thus that enlightened Greeks and Romans thought of government; it was not thus that any of the great conftitutional lights and oracles of our own country have thought of it: they ever held it infinitely more effential to establish, preserve, or restore a free form of government, than to contend for the choice of an administration.

Much as we admire philofophy, we cannot take any pleasure in the extreme indifference with which this Writer seems to contemplate the approaching, and, as he thinks, inevitable, death of the political body; nor do we feel ourselves convinced by his reasons for diffuading us from every attempt to shorten the duration of parliaments, or to amend the state of representation, as being violent remedies, which will probably be too strong for an enfeebled constitution, and at that period of age when cordials and lenitives only should be applied.'

As there are days of suspicion, we with our Author would explain the two words we have printed in Italics.

We have got, it seems, a bold Inquirer to deal with; for he takes upon him to inquire how far parliaments are in themfelves adapted to the actual state of the British empire ;' which parliaments, by the way, he very coolly treats as mere accidental branches of a barbarous Gothic fyftem of government, which is now so entirely changed from its original inftitution, that no inference can be drawn from thence applicable to its present state.'

This will perhaps smell a little too much of political Popery in the noftrils of unrefined, old-fashioned Englifhmen. Rev. Jan. 1781.



Our profound Inquirer tells us, that'' this country has been evidently brought into its present unhappy fituation by the war with America ;' while some Thallow politicians will have it, that it has been occasioned by a combination of causes ; among which they reckon a previous debt of 140 millions, an influence in the crown over parliament previously established, parliaments previously lengthened, and representation previously abridged.

But by the time the Reader arrives at p. 37, he is to learn from our Inquirer, that it is not the American war which has brought our evils upon us, but that it is influence; and that • shortening the duration of parliaments, or changing the manner of choosing representatives, are partial and ineffečtual appli? cations,

• Which will but skin and film the ulcerous part,
While rank corruption, mining all within,

Infects unseen.' • The malady lies deeper ; it lies in the character and principles of the people.'

What were but a moment ago 'violent remedies,' are now, on a sudden, become gentle cordials and lenitives ; they were first

too strong;' - now they are not strong enough, and mere ' partial and ineffectual applications. Our Author's only lovereign remedy, it seems, is a return to wisdom and virtue in the people; and yet the very act which evidently would argue the greatest wisdom and the moft virtuous disposition in the people, viz, a constitutional reformation of the legislature, he does all he can to diffuade them from. What he says on the necesity of virtue in the people we highly approve, except that he carries it not far enough; for that which he inculcates seems to be merely the virtue of men excluded from those privileges which bring with them the duties of CITIZENS.-Of the rights of citizens, by which they claim, as an unalienable birthright, a share, either personally or by representation, in the government of their country, this Inquirer seems to have no idea.

With regard to that reverence for their governors,' which our Writer thinks lo essential in the people, we believe it is inseparable from the character of any people, so long as those on their part reverence the conflitution, and hold sacred the form of government entrusted to their care and direction. But were governors to seek to destroy them, in order to indave their country, it would denote baseness and folly to make such go. vernor's the objects of reverence. The criterion of political virque in a people, we apprehend to be--not reverence for men,

but for the laws,

As the objections of our fagacious Inquirer to shortening the duration of parliaments, although neither new nor unanswered, are yet of a most singular nature, we shall once more


endeavour to do justice to them. He says, elections would either become matters of so much indifference, that'the people would not attend to them ;' or else they would be so much the reverse, as to be constant scenes of riot and opposition. This is drawing consequences with a witness ! Don't, says the Doctor, eradicate from your constitution a known and destructive disease by the simplest of all remedies, left it should either freeze the blood in your veins, or throw you into a burning fever. 'Tis a curious cause indeed, that must necessarily produce either fire or frost!" But our Inquirer has another paradox, as good as this. First, says he, if you restore annual elections, private fortunes would not be able to stand against the public purse in the hands of the minister, when contests were frequently repeated.' In other words, Annual parliaments would annihilate opposition to minifters, and give them the same permanency in office as in arbitrary governments.' Then, turn but over the leaf, and there you are told, that annual parliaments would prevent the government's having any connections with foreign states. For (such would be the instability of ministers] they would never know with what set of men they thould treat.

As he who proves too much defeats himself, we do not apprehend our very philosophic Inquirer will raise up to himself

any opponent among the triends to those reforms of our decayed constitution, which it is his aim to discourage. If they make him any address, it will probably be to write again. He who employs near twenty pages in recommending it to us to abolish parliaments, instead of reforming them, will not, we trust, find many disciples amongst Englishmen. Foreseeing this, he beftows on them his philosophic pity, and observes, that ' a nation cannot at once see the advantages proposed by any essential change; and therefore prudence would make them cautious of trying the experiment; and there will be always still more ob. jections arising from prejudice, interest, and pride.

REFORMATION is a work of time, and is more frequently brought to pass by circumstances and accident (such, we suppose, as the late riots, which furnished fo convenient a pretence for putting the itate into the hands of such reformers as this gentleman's scheme requires), than by any previous and settled plan.'

The efforts of many virtuous persons towards re-edifying parliaments, and fixing them once more on their ancient foundations, have been called factious and treasonable attempts at innovations in our government; their motions have been narrowly and anxiously watched ; and storms of court thunder and lightning have appeared to gather over their heads: but the philofophic Inquiry before us, openly, direcily, and sedulously pro


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posing and recommending a total ABOLITION of parliaments, has now been published and disperfed some months, without having, so far as we know, called forth the flightest censure from the court or its ministers.

T . of

Art. VI. The Travels of Reason in Europe. Translated from the French of the Marquis Carraccioli. Small 8vo.

3 8. bound. Macgowan. 1980.

HIS is a superficial, and in many respects a partial perVoltaire ; but he is only the Madow of that admired writer, His Reason, inftead of travelling through Europe with the fober step and grave countenance of a discerning philosopher, dances hither and thither with all the light fantastic airs of French fop. This flimsy being appears doubly ridiculous, by ftopping frequently to drop sage reflections, and moral aphorisms, with a fort of a wise and philofophic aspect. As a specimen of his talent in making of proverbs, we need go no farther than the first page of his preface. • Truth is generally found in the mid-way between panegyric and satire. • The language of Reason will ever be that of lincerity.' . Brevity is a merit, especially in a fuperficial age.' 'Happy the writer who says much in few words.' " The greatest part of books are of no use to the readers.? · Men are attached to popular opinions or national prejudices, instead of adhering to truth alone.'-All this we knew before ; and Reason need not have travelled very far to make the discovery. The work now under confideration is full of these trite saws and hackneyed maxims.

The Author hath given a very unfavourable account of the disposition and character of the Englih. He enlarges on the inftability of their political attachments ; but his instances are far from being decisive of the general complexion of the people. He is a bad logician who argues from particulars to universals.

The Author's extravagant encomiums on monarchs are not the dictates of unperverted Reason. He forgot his own maxims.

His flattering views of the French (which aim at impartiality, by intermixing now and then a dark line, which is loft in a whole prospect) are no proofs of sound reason. The highArained compliments lavished on the Empress-queen of Hungary were evidently designed to facilitate his court to the Queen of France. Can any reasonable man imagine, that REASON could have left in its pocket-book fuch a note as the followingm. The Empress-queen of Hungary neither hearkens to


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