in the cities and towns. The problem of the rural community where one or two girls may leave each year has been most serious. However, with the promised coöperation of the King's Daughters and Sons, Gideons, Granges, and rural organizations much of this will be solved.

A young Egyptian girl was familiar with the Travelers' Aid badge in Egypt. She came to America and on the Pacific Coast she saw a similar badge, immediately recognized it, and applied to the agent for the protection she needed.

With a universal badge, known around the world, with New Orleans and Houston on the South joining hands with Chicago on the North, Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Portland on the West joining with Boston, New York, and Savannah on the East, touching all intermediate points, we can say:

1. No girl need be friendless on arriving in any city. 2. No girl need leave home for an uncertain position. 3. No traveler need be exploited by the agents of commercialized vice in any form.

VIII. RACE PROBLEMS

The Present Situation

How to Enlist the Welfare Agencies of the South for Improvement of Conditions among the Negroes Work of the Commission of Southern Universities on the Race Question

The Economic Status of the Negro

The Negro as a Farmer

The Negro Working Out His Own Salvation

Social and Hygienic Condition of the Negro, and Needed Reforms

Prevalence of Contagious and Infectious Diseases among the Negroes, and the Necessity of Preventive Measures

Desirable Civic Reforms in the Treatment of the Negro

Rural Education and Social Efficiency

The Work of the Jeanes and Slater Funds

The Need and Value of Industrial Education for Negroes

Open Church Work for the Negro

Racial Self-Respect and Racial Antagonism

What Is Our Duty to the Negro?

The White Man's Task in the Uplift of the Negro

A Cathedral of Co-operation

Statement of Committee

THE PRESENT SITUATION

JAMES H. DILLARD, M.A., LL.D.

AT the first meeting of the Southern Sociological Congress, held last year in Nashville, there were two conferences on race problems. These conferences were well attended and proved most interesting. There were present a number of representative men of both races, and it was found that there was not time to hear all who wished to speak on the subject. During the session of this first Congress a committee was appointed on Race Relationships consisting of the following: A. J. Barton, Waco, Tex.; Miss Belle H. Bennett, Richmond, Ky.; C. E. Branson, Athens, Ga.; William H. Fleming, Augusta; H. B. Frissell, Hampton, Va.; J. D. Hammond, Augusta; G. W. Hubbard, Nashville; G. H. Huckaby, Shreveport; W. R. Lambuth, Nashville; John Little, Louisville; J. D. Snedecor, Tuscaloosa; A. H. Stone, Dunleith, Miss.; W. P. Thirkield, New Orleans; C. B. Wilmer, Atlanta; W. D. Weatherford, Nashville, Secretary; and James H. Dillard, New Orleans, Chairman. Of this committee, ten are present at this second Congress.

There was also formed at the first Congress what is known as the University Commission on Race Questions. This Commission consists of representatives from ten Southern State Universities as follows: Alabama, J. J. Doster; Arkansas, C. H. Brough, Chairman; Florida, J. M. Farr; Georgia, R. J. H. DeLoach; Louisiana, W. D. Scroggs; Mississippi, W. D. Hedleston; North Carolina, C. W. Bain; South Carolina, Josiah Morse; Tennessee, J. D. Hoskins; Texas, W. S. Sutton; Virginia, W. M. Hunley, Secretary. Five of these gentlemen are on the present program.

Our present program contains the names of nineteen who are to read papers or make addresses, and of the nineteen appointees five are colored. Seventeen of the nineteen are present. The addresses will be followed by discussions which I hope will be freely participated in, so far as time will permit, by members and delegates of both races.

The facts which I have just stated tell the truth which, in calling this meeting to order, I wish particularly to emphasize. This truth is that the time has come when the earnest and thoughtful white people of the South have determined to face the problems involved in race relationships, and to coöperate with each other, with the colored people themselves, and with friends in the North in promoting better conditions than have existed since reconstruction days.

In those early days of reconstruction the great trouble was caused by the predominating influence of men who, however sincere they may have been, attempted to do the impossible overnight. I can never think of those days without calling to mind an illustration which was being exhibited about the same time in the Old World.

Fifty-odd years ago Italy was an expression, not a united country. There was a bundle of divided States, but not one country as it is to-day. All great Italians, both statesmen and men of letters, earnestly desired union. Three great men stood out among many as the champions of a United Italy. These were Mazzini, Garibaldi, and Cavour. Mazzini was uncompromisingly in favor of a republic, and worked largely by secret associations and conspiracy. Garibaldi was always ready for fight and for any extreme measures. Cavour was the statesman, the greatest, I think, with his contemporary Lincoln, in the nineteenth century. Cavour said that a republic at that stage of the game was impossible. He knew that Europe would not allow it, even if the Italians were ready for it. He said: "I will work for the possible. I will take the kingdom of Sardinia and unite Italy around that." And he did.

Mr. William R. Thayer, one of our American historians, has written the standard life of Cavour, one of the greatest books ever written in America. In speaking of Cavour he used the expression that Cavour had "an enthusiasm for the possible." It is a great expression. Most "enthusiasts" have an enthusiasm for the impossible. The impossible may be the ideal, may come later on, but if it be impossible at the time, the highest wisdom is to be enthusiastic for the possible, and to wait.