ART. VI. The Last of the Stuarts. History of the Rebellion in Scotland in 1745, 1746. By 2 vols. First American Edition. ROBERT CHAMBERS. THERE are few passages in history of more romantic interest, than the expedition, of which this writer has undertaken to give a new description; nor was there ever a more open field for the historian. The account given by Home, was, as might have been expected, full of those prejudices, which so often overbalance, in the eye witness, all the advantage he might otherwise derive from standing near the scene of action. In fact, it is often found, that those, who have borne a trifling part in great transactions, consider everything in relation to what they themselves heard and saw, and in this way form an idea of the whole, much more limited and partial than those who are distant both in place and time, and derive all their information from others. Perhaps too, there never was a time from the fortyfive,' till the end of the last century, when any writer could have been found sufficiently free from political prejudice, to be able to give an impartial account of what related to the Stuarts; for although the family and their adherents had long passed away, the prejudices which had been excited for and against them still existed, sustained perhaps by association with religious interests and feelings. Considered as a political contest, involving the cause of good government and the prosperity of the British nation, there was no reason to wish success to this bold adventure; but if it be regarded simply as a trial of strength between the Hanover and Stuart successions, as individuals contending for the crown, the feeling of the impartial would incline in favor of the losing party; since they were unfortunate almost beyond example, and their successful rivals disgraced their victory by violence and blood. The history of the Stuart family itself is a singular one, and very much resembles the course of this knight errant expedition, which seemed thrown like a rocket into the heart of England, where, after startling all eyes with its fiery brightness, it exploded, and was lost in darkness forever. If we may credit the Scotch historians, the race descended in a direct line from Fleance, the son of Banquo; and to all who question this fact, they put the question, From whom did they descend, if not from him?-an interrogation, which has often been employed with great effect on such occasions. Lord Hailes professes not to be able to trace their origin; they were probably a wealthy and powerful Norman family, who derived the name by which they are now known, from their office as stewards of Scotland. When they reached the throne by marriage, their course may be traced in history by its peculiar difficulties and sorrows, which pressed heavily upon all the race, but were seen most distinctly in the fortunes of Mary, and her grandson Charles. No doubt there was much to condemn in their personal characters; and their maxims of government were such, as never could be tolerated in a nation which had the least pretension to the name of free; still, we can hardly refuse our sympathy to their 'discrowned heads,' as we trace their course from the rough mountains of the North, to the sunny plains of Italy, where it ended miserably at last. The history of this expedition is interesting, from the circumstance of its making us so well acquainted with the Highlanders, who, though not the best neighbors in the world, are invaluable as subjects of poetical interest and philosophical contemplation. Living in their natural castles and towers,separated by their mountain barriers from the arts and refinements of civilized life, they were as little known in Edinburgh, as the Indians of our country are now in our Atlantic cities; they were as little understood, as those diluvial currents, which, geologists say, swept down from the north in former ages, and left their traces on all the British isles. Their political organization was, for a civilized region or a civilized vicinity, vicious and dangerous to the last degree. It was substantially the same with that which existed in the days of the patriarchs, founded upon a sentiment of loyalty and association, which was deeper and stronger than can be conceived by cultivated man, and which, though it made them terrible instruments of violence at times, also led to unexampled heights of chivalrous gallantry and generous self-devotion. It was not surprising that they should be ready to fight for their chief or sovereign, since they were a military people, who delighted in war; but it was certainly most honorable to them, that Charles Edward, after bringing ruin directly down upon them, and depriving them of all but honor, should have been able to linger among them so long, when a word would have betrayed him, and have earned the price of thirty thousand pounds, which was offered for his head. Whatever their political sins may have been, they have since been expiated. The bloody ploughshare passed over them, and salt was sown upon their soil; in destroying their social condition as it was, no care was taken to supply it with a better; the result is, that this romantic region is left, every year, more and more desolate, and its inhabitants are resorting in great numbers to the northern parts of our country. With respect to the individuals, whose names are most distinguished in connexion with this enterprise, the general sentiment has given its verdict long ago. The Duke of Cumberland was exalted to the skies for the victory of Culloden, gained over an inferior, divided and disheartened army; but his reputation, thus acquired, proves nothing but the universal dismay which prevailed throughout the kingdom; no other part of his military history indicates anything more than an ordinary man. He was unable to contend with Marshal Saxe at Fontenoy; and when he returned to the continent in 1747, he was again defeated by that distinguished general at Laufeld. Ten years after, he lost the battle of Hastenbach against D'Estrées, and ruined his credit by the convention at Closterseven, which closed his military career. If this part of his history is not particularly honorable, there is nothing on which his reputation can rest; for the course which he pursued after the fortunate accident which popular gratitude magnified into a great victory, was more thoroughly brutal and disgusting than anything recorded in modern times; indeed, the whole treatment inflicted upon the Highlanders by the English army, shows how naturally the basest fear is followed by wild and fierce revenge. This General seems to have formed a tolerably correct estimate of his own standing; for after his recall from the continent, he remarked that he no more deserved his present disgrace, than his former glory. The character of the young Chevalier is also established in history, beyond the power of prejudice to alter. Nothing can be more natural, than that he should have believed in his right to the English throne,-a right, which had been admitted by the nation itself for more than one generation, and which many lofty minds believed in so firmly, that they were willing to die in defence of it. He had been educated in this faith, which was acknowledged with enthusiasm by those around him, and it could not be expected that he should be among the foremost to discover the defects of his title to the crown, or to renounce the inheritance of his fathers. There is no doubt that he was, when he came to Scotland, a brave and accomplished young man. That he had talents, is sufficiently evident from his success; for none but an able men could have induced his adherents to embark in an enterprize so desperate from the beginning, nor could any other have kept together the discordant materials of his army, and wrought them up to such gigantic efforts, that the best armies of England, as fast as they met them, were successively swept away. It is true, that he afterwards fell into degrading habits and vices, but these were the consequence of his wretched fortunes; and it is absurd to say, that because the evening was clouded, the morning could never have been fair. His disappointed adherents ascribed their misfortunes to him, and when he was manifestly unable to serve them, their loyalty changed into hatred and revenge. One of these was the chevalier Johnstone, another was Dr. King. The former, unless his work does him great injustice, equally weak in his principles and his brain;-the latter, a deserter from his party, whose temper had been soured by the failure of all his political designs. But it is not necessary to enlarge on this point, since Scott, with his usual fairness, has taken the just view of the character of Charles Edward, and fixed it in the public mind with a depth of impression, which no time will wear away. It does not appear, that he received encouragement from any quarter, to attempt the invasion of England. A constant correspondence was kept up with the adherents of his party in England, but they, while they detested the Protestant succession, and were sufficiently discontented with their own position, had no taste for engaging in any bold adventure. Neither was France either able or willing to render efficient aid. They were willing to keep the exiled family as a thorn in the side of England, but they had not enough to gain from a change of dynasty, to make them willing to sacrifice much to effect it. The aspect of England was certainly inviting, could sufficient resources have been brought to bear upon her by an invader. She was involved in one of those endless and unmeaning continental wars, in which she has always wasted her treasure and blood. Her army had but lately received a stunning and almost fatal blow; her navy was, as usual, engaged at the world's end, and the people were complaining bitterly of war, oppression and taxes. But this discontent, which is always found in every free nation, while it seems to those without like the last struggle of life, is, in fact, nothing more than one of the conditions of national existence in a state of freedom; and should any invader attempt to take advantage of it, he finds that all parties unite, and direct upon him that energy which they have just been wasting in quarrels with each other. And while he had little prospect of aid from others, his own resources were exceedingly few and small. He had no experienced officer with him, and his money was less than four thousand pounds. As for an army, which was the essential thing, it was with extreme difficulty that he was able to reach Scotland, almost alone. The welcome which Charles received when he first arrived in Scotland, was as discouraging as possible; but he had made up his mind to the enterprise, and was determined not to be withheld by the power of his enemies or the coldness of his friends. He landed with only seven attendants, at Borodale, a farm belonging to Clanranald, a gallant young chief, who represented to him the hopelessness of the undertaking, but ended by devoting his heart and hand to the service of his master. In this act of fidelity, he was, at the time, entirely alone the Government had many powerful friends in the region, and no other chief had yet declared in favor of Charles. When we remember that this chieftain was fully aware of his danger, that he saw from the first what the result would be, and that, with these impressions in his mind, he went forward fearlessly to discharge what he regarded as a sacred duty, this seems to us like one of the noblest actions which history records. For to follow a sentiment,-to have a noble sentiment inspire the heart with such power, as to make the man hold death and danger light,-to have the sentiment of selfsacrifice act upon the heart, with more power than any prospect of personal advantage, is a decided proof of moral greatness, such as makes the coldest heart burn within. The first who came to Charles Edward at Borodale, was Donald Cameron, called young Lochiel, because his father was still living, though an exile on account of his former exertions in favor of the Stuarts. On his way, Lochiel called on his brother John Cameron, to whom he made known his VOL. XXXVIII.—NO. 83. 55 |
