that our author's doubts about the advantages of the Union afford the strongest proof, which he could possibly have given, how little he in fact understands the Federal Constitution or any of the political institutions of the country. To those who possess any tolerably correct notions on these subjects, it is superfluous to say that the great idea of the Union of the States is, in substance, the whole Federal Constitution :-the particulars, excepting so far as they affect the existence or non-existence of this vital principle, are mere matters of form. Differences of opinion about the construction of the instrument, with the same exception, are comparatively unimportant. The right claimed by South Carolina to annul the Constitution and laws at discretion, comes, of course, within the exception, and has fortunately been put down by the unanimous acclamation of the whole country; but, as to the other points upon which differences of opinion have existed, such as whether the General Government has or has not a right, under the Constitution, to establish a bank or a national university, to lay out new roads and make other internal improvements, and so forth, -the importance of their being decided in one way or another is like dust in a balance, compared with that of the great principle of the Constitution, a real and effective union of the States for all purposes of foreign and international concern. This is the prominent, all-important, we had almost said only important feature in our political institutions; and it is therefore not to be wondered at that an observer, who considers the union as an evil, should be at a loss to understand the nature and operation of the Government. On this subject, as on the one to which we before alluded, the true doctrine was explained to him in this country, but seems to have been lost upon him, although it is textually set down with great candor in his book. He is of the class of persons foretold in Scripture, who, hearing, were to hear, but not understand. In answer to his crude and puerile objections to the policy of the Union, he was told at Washington by a distinguished member of the House of Representatives, in strong and rather coarse language, provoked probably by his impertinence, that 'the Union was necessary to prevent us from cutting each others' throats.' This is the conclusion of the whole matter in a nut-shell. If our author had possessed wit enough to comprehend the meaning of this brief oracle, which is yet not very obscure, he would have gone home a wiser man than he came, VOL. XXXVIII.-NO. 82. 34

and have written a much better book than he has done. The Union relieves our great and growing family of independent States from the curse of continual war, which has always desolated Europe, and secures to them, in actual reality, what has been often regarded as the golden dream of visionary speculators, PERPETUAL PEACE. This single advantage puts a new face upon the whole political condition of the country. The continual recurrence of wars with other neighboring states, the necessity of providing for them and carrying them on with efficiency,-the consequences that naturally result from them, are the causes, that have mainly determined the form of the government in every other nation of which we know the history. The preliminary establishment on this continent of the opposite principle of union and perpetual peace, not only prevents us from cutting each others' throats,'

not only relieves us from the destruction of life and property incident to war,—but enables us to simplify our political machinery, and to go along quietly and prosperously under institutions, which in a different state of things would be impracticable. It has been said by some indiscreet citizens, in the course of the late controversies, that the true motto of the patriot is Liberty first and Union afterwards, but the truth is, that the preliminary existence of the Union is the necessary condition of the liberty we enjoy. It is owing to the Union and the permanent internal peace consequent upon it, that we are able to combine a complete security for personal rights with an extension of the sphere of individual action, and a contraction of that of government, greater than were ever imagined possible before. Abolish the Union,-introduce,-what would necessarily follow, a system of permanent war among the States, instead of the existing one of permanent peace, and you introduce, of course, the vast military establishments, the triumphant military leaders, the intolerable burdens, and the passive obedience, which regularly accompany the train of that great scourge of the human race. Universal suffrage,-elective magistracies, representative assemblies, the liberty of speech, the press and public worship,-trial by jury,---would of course disappear at once. We hold these, and all the other personal and political privileges of which we are so justly proud, simply and solely on the condition of maintaining the Union.

The Union of the States is therefore the Alpha and Omega, -the A. B. C. and X. Y. Z.---the beginning, middle and end,

-the all in all,-of our political institutions. A writer, who professes to consider it as an evil, only shows that he has not obtained the most remote insight into their true principles and character. After mentioning the answer given to him by the distinguished Representative' as above quoted, he adds, that' if the Union be as important as it appears to be considered in the United States, it were to be wished that it were more likely to endure; and predicts, no doubt with great regret, that the eral Constitution, like other bubbles, is at any time liable to burst, when the world will discover that its external glitter covered nothing but wind.' We are glad,-so far as our humble judgment can be supposed to have any weight with so great a personage, to assure him that the Union is in no danger. The experience of the last year has done much to confirm the assurance of its long duration, which the soundest thinkers have always felt from a consideration of the circumstances of the country. The Federal Constitution is not, as our author supposes, a glittering bubble, covering nothing but wind, and liable to burst at any moment. It is the beautiful and well-proportioned form, belonging by nature to a living, substantial, powerful, active and healthy political body. To destroy it would be just about as practicable, as to tear off the integuments from the frame of a living man: the operation could in either case only be effected by the complete destruction of life. The States are not only formally and by compact, but naturally and substantially, ONE PEOPLE. They are, with slight and unimportant circumstances of exception, one in their origin; one by their geographical position and frequent relations; one by their community of manners, language, laws and religion. These,-whatever our author may think of it,-are not airy nothings, like the wind that inflates a bubble, but substantial realities. They naturally carry with them the political unity of the communities among which they exist; and what nature,God, has united, man cannot put asunder. It is not merely impolitic and inexpedient, but impossible permanently to separate the States. If, by any accidental convulsion, (and such an event is hardly within the compass of contingencies,) they should be temporarily separated, they would rush together again immediately, perhaps under a different form of union -with a wholly irresistible force of attraction. To attempt to break up the Union by ordinances and speeches in Convention, the paper bullets of the brain,'--is like launching

one of our author's glittering bubbles in the face of a strong northeaster. Every new rail road,--every additional steamboat, as it takes up its long line of march down the mighty Mississippi, does more to strengthen the bonds of the Union, than all the speeches that have ever been made against it have done to weaken them. The very newspaper, in which such sentiments are contained, is itself an antidote to the poison it diffuses.

But this is not the time nor the place for a full development of this interesting topic. Our readers are already as much fatigued with our observations upon our author, as we are with his upon the country, and it is necessary to bring them to a close. If there be anywhere an appearance of asperity in our language, we trust that it will be considered as fully justified by the extracts we have given, and especially the outrageous and wholly inexcusable attack upon the gray hairs of Mr. Burges. We cannot conclude without repeating the expression of our regret, at this new example of narrow-mindedness, prejudice and malignity, in the judgments of British travellers upon this country. To every impartial observer, it is apparent that in the order of Providence a great work is in progress here, which is destined to figure hereafter in the rolls of history as one of the most remarkable achievements of the Genius of Civilization. A field has been opened, upon which the intelligence and refinement of a highly cultivated portion of our race may operate without the political restraints which have generally accompanied a great intellectual and moral improvement in the state of society. A numerous and continualÎy increasingcluster of neighboring States have substituted, as the principle of their mutual relations, perpetual peace for perpetual war. The result of the concurrence of these auspicious circumstances has been almost magical. The whole continent is like a vast bee-hive, instinct throughout with life, motion and a joyous activity. Cities,-empires,(Lowell, Ohio, our whole Western Paradise justify the statement) rise from the bosom of the earth like exhalations. The wilderness blossoms like the rose; the very rocks and sandbanks (witness Nantucket,-witness all New England,) pour forth products more rich and abundant, than any that ever came from the gold and diamond mines of Peru and Golconda. New forms of government, that had hitherto been regarded as the visions of philosophic dreamers, too beautiful to be ever

realized on this terrestrial sphere, are going on from year to year, in quiet and tranquil operation, in the full view of an astonished and admiring world. As a political power, the country has taken, at the outset of its course, its position among the leading States of Christendom; and the imagination is dazzled in looking forward to its future probable destinies. Such are the scenes, which the Western continent now presents to the eye of the philosophic traveller. If there be any thing to equal them in moral magnificence in the annals of the world, we confess that we have looked for it in vain. With prospects like these before them, it is painful,-it is pitiful,-to see a succession of observers, from the most thinking nation' in Europe, coming out, professedly on purpose to examine men and manners, and incapable of seeing or feeling any thing but some trifling and generally accidental circumstance, that happens to interfere with their national prejudice or personal pride. The shopmen look too hardly at them;the merchants refuse to learn Sanscrit of them;-their fellowboarders eat eggs in a way to which they are not accustomed; -from all which it follows of course that the people are a race of brutal barbarians,-that the Union of the States is a disadvantage, and the Constitution a glittering bubble. This is worse than the folly of the cobbler of Athens, who, when asked his opinion of a fine statue of Venus, which had just been exhibited, said that he had remarked nothing but a wrong stitch in one of the sandals. An Athenian blockhead, as was well observed by the sage of Bolt Court, is the worst of all blockheads; and truly the blockheads of the modern Athens appear to be determined not to yield the palm to their ancient prototypes.

The apparent motive of all this misrepresentation is even more revolting and ridiculous than the thing itself. If there be one among the achievements of the English nation, of which, more than any other, they have a right to be justly proud, it is the foundation of the great English empire that is now growing up on the western side of the Atlantic yet of all the European travellers, the English alone are incapable of looking with the least complacency upon their own work. Prince Talleyrand, Baron Humboldt, Châteaubriand, Volney, the Duke de la Rochefoucault were certainly as competent judges of men and manners, as well qualified to appreciate the value of political institutions,---as the Fauxes, the