Africa, Spain, and the Balearic Islands, and were devouring, in expectation, the rest of Europe. He exhorts his hearers to undertake the expedition, that at least in these regions the Christians might live at peace."

In terms thus explicit, intelligible, and cogent, was the policy of the holy wars explained and enforced by their original propounders, in the face of congregated Europe. But the political motives, which were publicly insisted on, at Placentia, by the Greek envoys, and which were as publicly inculcated at Clermont, by the head of the western church, could not assuredly fail to be repeated in those exhortations, which Pope Urban enjoined the prelates and the clergy to make, through every diocese and district of Christendom. So far, therefore, from its being the offspring solely of a blind fanaticism, it appears, on the most unquestionable evidence, that the political expediency of the first crusade was a subject familiarized, not only to the princes and nobles, but, even to the rude commons, throughout the west.

Yet, in the face of this contemporary evidence,

*Turner.

The Itinerary of Giraldus Cambrensis, the companion of Abp. Baldwin on his laborious pilgrimage through England and Wales, may serve as an index to the zeal and energy with which the call of the popes was obeyed by the Latin hierarchy.

Doctor Robertson undertakes to treat the origin of the holy wars, as a mere ebullition of superstition and folly; and, by his silence as to their policy, seems unequivocally to reject the existence of political motives altogether. Mr. Gibbon, on the other hand, recognizes the public statements made by Pope Urban and others, in elucidation of their policy; but he does so, only to depreciate that policy, and wholly to explain away its expediency or use. *4

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While the author of the life of Charles V. cannot perceive the political bearings, the historian of the Roman empire pronounces himself unable to discern the beneficial consequences, of the Christian expeditions to Palestine: the former writer, we have seen, characterizes them contemptuously as a monument of human folly; the latter has advanced the monstrous paradox, that the holy wars "have checked, rather than forwarded, the maturity of Europe!"

In the fifty-eighth chapter of the Decline and Fall, Mr. Gibbon has discussed the subject of the crusades, in its two principal aspects:

* Happily for Europe and the world, the authors of the first crusade were far better politicians than either Dr Robertson or Mr. Gibbon. The author will venture to affirm, that, with the merits of the question fairly before him, no practical statesman of the present day would exchange the policy of Pope Urban, for the politico-philosophical theories of either historian,

1. their primitive design and value, in a political point of view; and 2. the amount and importance of their general results. By following briefly the steps of the historian's argument, the opportunity may arise of inquiring, how far, in his treatment of the first proposition, he is consistent with himself; and how far, in his management of the second, he is borne out by the evidence of facts, of the ascertained course of events, which ushered in the improvement of modern Europe.

1. In his estimate of the political expediency of the first crusade, with reference to the grounds on which it was recommended by the original promoters, the historian sets out with the important admission, that, in the eleventh century, western Christendom, in common with all the unbelieving nations," laboured under "a real and urgent apprehension" of the loss of religion and liberty, by the victorious arms of the Turks ; before whose threatened and impending assault, "the Greek empire tottered on the verge of destruction." As the natural and necessary consequence of this state of things, he further acknowledges the right and interest of the Latin powers "in the support of Constantinople, the most important barrier of the west;" and the legitimate privilege of defensive warfare, to an

ticipate by an invasion the designs of an encroaching enemy. These just and obvious concessions, however, would appear to have been made, merely for the purpose of qualifying them by a criticism, which, if well founded, deprives the crusades of their best vindication, as expeditions undertaken for the defence of western Christendomt; and, in fact, takes away from them all claim to a political character or importance:

"This salutary purpose might have been accomplished by a moderate succour; and our calmer reason must disclaim the innumerable hosts and remote operations, which overwhelmed Asia, and depopulated Europe."

* The comprehensive object of the first crusade rests not on theoretical inferences; it is established by the evidence of contemporary authorities : thus Ekkehard represents Europe to have been called to arms, "frequentibus nuntiis super oppressionem Dominici Sepulchri; ac desolatione omnium orientalium ecclesiarum." The inference which has been so justly drawn by Mr. Sharon Turner, does not appear to have escaped the discernment of the Latin leaders, — that, if Asia were once finally swallowed up, Europe could no longer be safe: "From the time that Mahomedanism established itself in Asia, it was obvious that it would never cease to struggle for the empire of the world, while its spirit was upheld by its power.' Hist. of Eng. during Mid. Ages, vol. i. p. 302. This very profound writer has reflected fresh light on the danger of western Christendom, at the epoch of the crusades, by the masterly contrast which he has drawn, between the desultory assaults of the Saracens, and the concentrated energies of Turkish fanaticism. See pp. 303–307.

† This motive was explicitly alleged by the promoters of the first expedition: "Occidentalis populi dolentis loca sancta Ierosolymis a gentilibus prophanari, et Turcos etiam terminos Christianorum jam multa ex parte invassisse, &c." Brev. Narrat. ap. Martene et Durand, t. v, p. 536,

A moderate succour! Can the historian have forgotten ere the ink was dry, what he had but the moment before stated, - that, at the epoch of the first crusade, "the Greek empire tottered on the verge of destruction ?" Can he have paused to reflect, that, at the fearful crisis of which he writes, a holy war had been already proclaimed, by the Turkish powers, against universal Christendom? * That Asia Minor was covered with their armies, to the very shores of the Hellespont? That Constantinople herself, from the first to the last, the victim marked out by these fierce destroyers, must, in all human probability, have become their prey in the eleventh century, but for their deficiency in shipping? +

A moderate succour! Surely even a child in politics might undertake to calculate the utmost advantage to be anticipated from such an aid: it might, indeed, have postponed the downfal of the Greek empire for one moment; but only in order

* This sacred war was proclaimed by express command of the caliph. See Decl. and Fall, vol. x. p. 370. The connection between the Saracenic and the Turkish desolation, indicated Rev. ix., seems most accurately realized in this fact: the grand inroad of the Turks, under the four Seljukian princes, i. e. the loosing of the four angels which were bound in the Euphrates, took place, it hence appears, by a mandate from the head of the Mahometan faith. Compare Turner, Hist. Eng. M. A. vol. i. p. 314, 315.

+ Gibbon, vol. x. p. 373, 374. Turner, vol. i. pp. 309–311.

Gibbon, vol. x. p. 376.